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shape. The principle of the present act was

not that of Hamilton ; what he recommended,

looked in its object to revenue. Protection for any other purpose, he would have repudiated. If, in the present stage of the question, the opponents of the bill were in any dilemma, he, Mr. P., would take care, if there were no other available mode, to renew his motion for indefi. nite postponement.

Mr. HAYNE, said, he should allow the ques. tion of concurrence to be taken on the several amendments, up to the last, which was a mere verbal one ; but it was his intention then, before they should go be von his reach, to move a recommitment of the whole measure. Mr. DALLAS said, having anxiously con

sulted with several gentlemen around me, much better acquainted with the rules of order than

*myself, I am satisfied that the question now propounded for my suffrage is the final one on this bill. It came from the House of Representatives, it underwent many amendments in the Senate, those amendments trave not all been concurred in by the House, and we are now called upon to say whether we will recede from

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to domestic manufactures, if possible, the whole aid of the whole revenue; to remove all duties from imported articles which do not enter into competition with our own produce or fabrics, to make their entry free. In the bill under consideration, this principle is fully embodied and enforced. To that extent, therefore, it meets my u q al fied approbation, and has been sanctioned by both Houses of Congress. Another rule of proceeding, early enunciated by my colleague, and readily embraced by many on this floor, was so to improve the regulations of collecting revenue as to deduce from new arrangements a measure of protection to home in ustry somewhat proportionate to what might be lost in the mere reduction of the amount of duty. I need not remind the Senate of the detils of the bill in which, by various provisions, is object has also been incorporated and attained. The two principle ones are, the short credits to be h reafter allowed at our customhouses for duties, and the justly augmented value of the pound sterling from four dollars and forty-four cents to four aollars and eighty-eight conts. The operations of these two provisions

those of our amen.'ments which have been disagreed to. Should we recede, the law is com. plete, and already passed by both Houses of Congress. We cannot now r commit—we cannot alter what both the Senate and the House have approved—we may prolong altercation and difficulty by refusing to recede, or leave the matter unfinished and indefinitely postpon. ed; but, if we are to have any law enacted at this session, we must determine to have one by our present concluding vote. At this point of an arduous and inter sing discussion, when even a Conmittee of Confer ence have exhausted their efforts, I cannot con sent to give a silent vote. Always prepared heretofore, and resolved to be always prapared to assume any responsibility which may seem appropriate to the discharge of my public du. ties, 1 m now, and hereafter shall be, leady to meet my co stituents upon this question; to tell them frankly and fully my motives and reasons of action; and most cheerfully to abide by any conclusion of their judgment. I am only solicitous that my course on this final question— in effect and obviously a question of this bill or no bill—should be distinctly recorded and understoodd. Sir, at an early period of the session, I announced the principles upon which I was governed in the labor of accommodating a new tariff of duties to the existing position of the country, to the reduced want of revenue, and to the payment of ‘ue public debt. Fully con vinced of the wisdom of the great principle of protecting domestic industry, having imbibed a settled belief that it is essential to the maintenance of the best interests of the nation, and peculiarly important to the happiness and pros. perity of my native state, I have uniformly taken my part in every exertion so to arrange the duties as to afford adequate and ample security to the manufacturers. My first rule of proceeding was, and invariably has been, to give

has andergone sufficient comment, and cannot now be mistaken by the Senate. The bill, Mr President, has, in all its parts, engaged my most earnest and devoted study. To my mind, unaffected by the heats of this day, or of any former days, adequate protection is secured by this bill to all the great intersts of the country, in the main. I may be mistaken; ny lights on this complicated moter may not be as extensive or accurate as are enjoyed by others; my information, my views, my convictions, are not derived from any thing heard on this floor from any speaker; nor have I regulated my votes or contracted my real sentiments under extraneous infl lence. I believe, firmly and sincerely believe, that if a few interests undergo a diminution in the amount of protection heretofore given them by law—a diminut on somewhat disproportionate to that which characterizes the general scale—the diff rence in not of substantial importance, and cannot seriously or permanently affect them. Certainly sir,

there is not an absolute sacrifice of any one inter

est which has been before us. Louisiana cannot; cannot consistenly with the unvarying tenor of every inquiry I have made—complain of the reduction of one half cent upon sugar. Kentucky, as to the cent on cotton bagging, it will be recollected, was equally divided in the Senate; and the increase we made upon that article, as compared with the bill from the House, after having first been rejected, was finally adopted by a majority of one vote only. it was impossible to be wholly insensible to the discordant opinions of the two Kentucky Senators upon this subject; and although 1 voted before, and would willingly now vote, to make assurance doubly sure, to give the additional cent of duty, I cannot pretend, in this divided state of the best opinions, to have a deep and positive conviction one way or the other.

The only really equivocal point is that which relates to woollens. We added to the fifty

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per ..., the bill of the House, seven per cent ad valorem. This addition had not been concurred in... It has my decided approbation ; and could I secure it, by any course of action consistent with a discharge of the gene. ral sum of my duties here, I would do so. The report of the Cominittee of Conference, however, precludes all prospect of that kind ; and I cannot avoid entertaining the hope that, after all, this seven per cent., which some of its inost ardent aivocates would agree to make five per cent., cannot be absolutely and vitally necessa. ry to the safety of those who are engaged in the manufacture. Sir, although determined to act upon the suggestion of my own independent mind and conscience, I must say, that if there be, on this topic of the tariff, a question upon whose intelligence, sagacity, principles, and perseverance, I would pin oy faith as to a controverted fact, about the efficacy or inefficacy of a given anoot of protection, that gen

tleman is the chairm on of the Senate’s Committee of Manufactures. (Mr. Dickenson.) He has devoted many years, actively and ardently, to the encouragement, system, and effectual protection of all branches and departm nts of domestic industry. He is here he official and selected guardian of the manufacturing interests, and we all know the unflinching fidelity with which his task is performed. Now, Sir, this esteemed gentleman recommonds us to forego our additional duty of seven per cent.,


and to be satisfied with the fifty per cent ad;

valorem, approved by the Hous of Represen. tatives. I go with him : I cannot be far out of the way when in his company; and I yield to the chairman of the Committee of Manufac. ture, when he requests me to recede Ailusion has been made to the sentiments upon this great subject, unanimously expressed, within the last month, by the Legislatur of Pennsylvania. The resolutions of that highly respected body are now open before me. They manifest a complimentary reliance upon the discretion and fidelity of their Senators, which is appreciated with sensibility, an has not been, and sisall not be forgotten or disappoint. ed. Although couched in language which does not import, they have all the sorce and ef ficacy of positive instructions; and we have rigidly conformed to th: m, being both inclined to do so, and fully recognizing the right of the General Assembly to direct our representative cendact. The present predicament of the subject may, indeed, seem to be one to which the resolutions do not apply , and to exact from myself and may colleague a course of proceed ing which, in our judgments, will most stric ly conform to their spirit and tesign. Sir, in determining to recede, I shall deeply regret if the manufacturing interests to which I have referred, or any others, shall experience any, the least i jury. Infallible legislation cannot be hoped for : we are as liable to error and snistake as other men; but, as I sincerely believe that all with whom I have the honor ob” “ssociated are actuated by pure and

D states weekly telegraph.

ral readiness to remedy hereafe', oy special iegislation, any mischiefs which experience may prove to result from the defects or oms. sions of our present act. The country is jost now anxiously, feverishly, waiting the close of this protracted and most interesting session. The excitements of congressional debate have gradually so read torough the whole people. We are i operatively called upon to end our deliberations, and to present to ou, costuents the great work upon which we have ben engaged. Let us submit this bill to their scrutiny and operation. Stould it po ye usatis, factory or defective in any part, I have only to express my readiness, if Providence, the prople, and my own fee will, permit leagun to participate in your proceedings, to supply what may be wanting, or to rectly what may be wrong. Mr. CLAY said, one of his chief objections to the course of the committee, as, that they had given way before it was nec ssary. The Senate could have insisted, and then if the House had determine, also to insist,the Senate could then have determined either to recede or adhere. He stated that ouch stress was laid of the c ange in the value of the pound st ring, while it was certain that sugar, sail duck, and other articles, came from quarters where the pound sterling was not the boss of calculation. He called for a division of the question. The PRESIDENT pro tempore stated the question of order. It would be first to take the question on concurring with the Counttee of Conference in its report. If the bill be recommitted, nothing, he said, could be recommitted but the amendments dis-greed to: The question on concurring with he report; the committee was susceptible of division, and would, as usual, be taken on each amendment separately. The question was then taken on receding from the amendment inserting the words “4. ter k, ndal cottons,” the words “the later weghing not less than 16 ounces to the square yard,” and determined in the affirm” tive-yeas 38, nays 10, as follows: YEAs—Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Buck her, Chambers, Clayton, Dallas, Dicket” Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Frelinghuysen, Grun. dy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill, Holmes.Johnston, Katie, King, Mangum, Marcy, Mill T. Moore, Naudan, Poindexter, Robinson,Silsbee, Smith Sprague, Tazewell, Tipton, oilinson, soup, Tyler, Webster, white, and Wilkins-38. NAYS-Messrs. Bell, Clay, Ewing, Foot,

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Knight, Prentiss, Robbins, Buggles, Seymous,
and Waggaman—10.
The question then was on receding from the
amendment raising the duty on silver and Plato
ed wire, from five to twenty five percent which
was agreen to.
The Senate then receded from their next a
mendment, raising the duty on japanned sad.
dlery from ten to twenty-five per cent, without
a division.

patriotic motives, 1 cannot but expect a gene

The Senate thea receded from their next 1.

mendment, charging the du v on sail duck–
—yeas 34, nays 14, as follows:
YEAS-Mesrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Buck.
ner, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Foot,
Forsyth, Frelinghuysen, Grundy, Hayne, Hen-
dricks, Hill, Johnston, Kane, King, Knight,
Man am, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Poindexter,
Robinson, Silsbee, Sprague, Tazewell, Tipton,
Tomlinson, Troup, Tyler, White, and Wilkis
NAYS-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clay.
ton, Ewing, Holmes, Naudain, Prentiss, Rob-
bins Ruggles, Seymour, Smith, Waggaman,
and Webster–14.
The question was next taken on receding
from the amendment increasing the duty on cot-
ton bagging to four cents instead of three and a
half per square yard, and decided in the affir-
mative as follows:
YEAS–Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Buck-
ner, Da las, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth,
Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill, Kae, King,
Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Poindexter,
Robinson, Silsbee, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton,
Troup, Tyler. White, and Wilkins—29.
NAYS-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clay.
ton, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes, John-
ston, Knight, Naudan, Prentiss, Robbins, Rug-
gles, Seymour, Sprague, Tomlinson, Wagga.
man, and Webster—19. -
The question was then taken on receding
from the amendment, increasing the duty on
brown sugar, from two and a half to three cents
per sound, and decided in the affirmative--
yeas 33, nays 15, as follows:
YEAS–Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Buck-
ner, Chambers, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley, El-
lis, Forsyth, Freiinghuysen, Grundy, Hayne,
Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Knight, Mangum,
Marcy, Miller, Moore, Poind-xter, Robbins,
Silsbee, Smith, Sprague, Tazewell, Tipton,
Troup, Tyler, White, and Wilkins–-33.
NAYS-Messrs. Bell, Clay, Clayton, Ewing,
Foot, Holmes, Johnston, Naudain, Prentiss,
Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Tomlinson, Wag-
gaman, and Webster—15.
The Senate then receded from the amend-
ment increasing the duty on slates, from twenty-
five to thirty-five per cent. ad valorem, by the
following vote:
YEAS–Messrs. Bell, Benton, Bibb, Brown,
Buckner, Chambers, Clayton, Dallas, Dicker-
son, Dudley, Ellis, Ewing, Foot, Forsyth, Fre.
linghuysen, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill,
Holmes, Johnston, Kane, King, Knight, Man-
gum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Naudain, Poindex
ter, Robinson, Silsbee, Smith, Sprague, Taze-
well, Tipton, Tomlinson, Troup, Iyier, White,
and Wilkins–41.
NAYS-Messrs. Clay, Prentiss, Robbins,
"goes Seymour, Waggaman, and Webster

The Senate then agreed to the amendment of the House to its amendment with respect to carpetting, by inserting the word “common.”

The Senate then receded from their amendment, increasing the duty on woollens from fif.

ty to fifty-seven per cent.-yeas 29, nays 19, as
YEAS–Messrs. Benton, But,b. Brown, Buck-
ner, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley Ellis, Forsyth,
Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King,
Knight, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore Poin-
dexter, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton,
Troup, Tyler, White, and Wilkins-—29.
NAYS-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clay-
ton, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes,
Johnston, Naudain, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles,
Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomlinson, Wag-
gama, and Webster—19.
The amendments having been gone through,
Mr. HAYNE moved to recommit the bill,
with instructions so to amend it, as to provide
for a system of ad valorem duties, so arranged
as to reduce the revenue to the wants of the
The PRESIDENT decided that such a mo-
tion could not be received, as the Senate must
now be confined, to its action, on the dissagrec.
ing votes of the two House. -
MR POINDEXTER then rose. It was not
his intention, he said, to go into any details,
but to renew the motion for indefinite postpone-
mont. He felt that if he were to vote for the
bill, he would be conceding a power to Con-
gress to lay taxes on the country for other pur-
poses than revenue, a power which he denied
they possesse, other than that for the payment
of their debts. Were he to vote for the bill,
he should consider himself committed to the
principle, though other gentlemen had ex-
pressed a different opinion. But what was this
bill? st kept up the duties on the protected
articles; was oppressive in the extreme on the
raw material; (the chair requested the Senator
would confine himself to the question; ) it was
his intention, Mr. P. resumed, to record his
opinion of the measure at a prior stage, but no
fitting opportunity had presented itself, and he
would merely now say, that he considered the
present bill, from the inequality of its operation,
worse than the bill of abominations of 1828.
He would conform to the wish of the coair,
and would now move that the bill be indefinite-
ly postponed. -
Mr. HAYNE asked for the yeas and says.
Mr. FORSYTH said he would vote against
the motion, and so far sanction the present bill,
but it was necessary for him to state the grounds
of his vote. Although the principle of pro-
tection was embraced in this bill, for which he
was about to vote, yet is he to be hereafter
committed in favor of the principle? He hoped
tiot. Defeat the present bill, and what would
be the consequence? We would have the ex-
sting tariff, without any reduction. The pre-
sent measure was a modification of it, so far as
it wenti and he would vote for getting rid of
so much of the abominable bill of 1828. It
was not a question of protection, but of reduc-
tion of the burdens of the people, and he would
continue the uncompromising, incessant enemy
of the system, till it was totally abrogated by
Mr. F00T said he had once voted for the

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invenoite postponemen of this bil, on the too-
tio S. oxlo, from New Hampshire, (Mr.
Bell,) bou, since we are call d to record our
votes again on a similar motion, and his vote
would now be recorded against it, he felt i
due to himself to explain the reasons which in-
duced him to give a difierent vote at this time.
Sir, said Mr. F., there is not a Senator on this
floor more disposed than myself to make a y
reasonable sacrifice for the pre-ervation of the
peace and ha mony of this confederacy, to re-
lieve any portion from unreasonable or une-
qual bordens, to ndeavor to allay any untor.
tunate excitement, produced even by mistaken
notions of inequality in the op-ratich of any of
our laws. On his ground, and on this alone,
was my vote recorded in favor of the bill as
amended by the Senate. And after the re.
peated declaration of the Senator from South
Carolina, (Mr Hay NE,) and the Senator from
Alabama, (Mr. King,) and others, that this bill
would afford no reli, f, but was more obnoxious
than even the act of 1828, so often called the
bill of abominations,” I was disposed to unite
with them in rejecting it. But, Sir, in this
vote they did not unite.
To me this bill has no charms Perhaps
there is not a single State in this Uniou which
will be mere, if as much affected by its passage
as my own. More manufactures of various de-
scriptions are springing up under the protection
of your laws in the State of Connecticut than in
any other portion of the Uniou. May of them
are in their infancy, and must be seriously af.
feced, if not totally prostrated by this bill.
The Committee of Conference had proposed to
surrender every a tendment made in the Se-
nate, in which oui smaller manufacturers were
particularly interested, and some of which a-
mendments had been made at uy suggestion,
from letters and information laid before the
Committee of Manufactures by me. These
were all to be surrendered without a struggle;
without an effort to save them. The committee
knew full well our convictions of the blighting
effects of the bill on the eastern States, and
particularly in the State which has honored me
with a seat on this floor, without the amend.
ment of the Senate, for I had stated them in
the discussion of those amendments, and pro-
duced the proof. I have this day received an.
other letter from an intelligent fariner, who has
made great exertions to improve the quality of
the wool in this eountry, who says “the hopes
of the wool growers are destroyed, and even
the Saxony sheep must be resigned up to the
butcher. -
The question is now presented under cir-
cumstance somewhat different. The Senate
have acted on the amendments. My votes have
been in favor of the amendments of the Senate
—but as, in all cases, minorities must submit,
in this case it becomes my duty. The Chair
man of the committee has stated his determina
tion, that if, at the next session, i shall be as-
certained that any infant unanufacture will be
seriously injured, he will unite in any further

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and as the bill will no go into oper, on nil another session intervexes, I am spoo to withdraw my opposition and perm t e blo to pass, not by an affirmative voto, b my ve which will be equilly off otive, by vog against the motion for indefinite postpot on, Another reascn which will induce mt a not against the present motion is, that i is unie avowedly on he ground to at “the principle of protection to our manufactures is rerogood in it:” and Senators have declarat this to be good ground for tts rejection. Sir, agains to doctrine I enter my solemn protest! I as te foundation of all government! What is the first duty of government? Protection! Wil you confine this obligation to the protection of the lives of your citizens alone? Will you of extend it to their property? And is thisto confined to protection of property only grow. less pirates and robbers! Is it no equally he du y of he Government to protect the property of its citizens against dam ge or injury, ars; from the legisla ion of foreign nations, by cour te valling legislation or to siriction, and to encourage and protect their industry? This his been the policy of this Government from he commencement of its existence! The very first act of Congress, after the adoption of the constitution, reognises this pri ciple, and admits to is to be its duty. I was hautic sanco of forty years, and Senators may rest as it will not be abandoned. It cannot be aban' doned while the Government has an exist sco Without this principle of protection no govern. ment would be worth preserving, nor deserve the name. Not will my vote be given onwy question, to sanction for a moment or to countenance any doctrine so fatal in its tonsien"). Mr. MANGUM. He would vote for the sodefinite postponement. It was not enough that the revenue was reduced, for the bill cit ried out the odious principle of in quality; the rich would be indulged in their luxories without taxation, whilst the poor were heavily burthen ed. He would not sanction the bill, becau" he believed it would go to fix a settled ** of the policy of protection. Its principle". to do evil that good might result, but he wood rev that a re. urning sen-e of justice would yet influence their counsels. Mr. KiNg said, but for the remarks that has been made, it was not his intention to have tre+ passed on the attention of t e Sonate . The Senator from Kentucky, ( or clan) "do served that the southern gentleme", by their former vote, had conceded their opinions in favor of the present measure. Such was:" the case; for himseh, he would never be ins: vor of a measure which pre erved the pro int inequality. H had said, on a former vo", that he would vote, though reluctantly, so the bill as it came from the house; but it had undergone such changes here for the worse, to to voted agains, it as amonded. He had vo against the act of 1824; he had also voted against the bill of 1828. But all the appeals of time south had been he, e.ofore disregarded. the measure now introduced, the frienus of

amendment in favor of necessary protection;

prot, cool, had been duced. to make some mi igation in less nung the public burdens; on this gro nd, when the odous amendments were receded from, he would vote for the bill, though still with reluctance, and in opes of further relief from he syst. m. It was for the first time in his experience, that he had heard such language of censure used to . Committee of Conference, as that which cane from th Sena tor from Kentncky, and you yours lt, Mr Choirm n, aid Mr. K., scarc ly escaped for y ur appointment of the nember of that commit, e. Who had ever heard of a Committee of Con ference yielding nothing? It was for the very purpose of compromise that recourse was had to that m de The Senator from Pennsylvania, Mr. Wilkins,) had been denounced, but his firm and high character could not be affect d by the assault. The go nt) man from Kentucky had congratulated himself in anticipation of having the future support of the gentlemen of the south, out he had reckoned without his host. As regarded the present bill, and the existing law, he would choose the lesser evil; yet be would not co promit his principles; and on a ful ure occasion his friends would find him

responsibi:ity of a measure fraught with such fatal consequences to others. The question was then taken on the motion for ind finite postponement, and lost by the following vote. YEAS–Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Hayne, Holmes, Mangam, Miller, Moore, Naudain, Poind xter, Robbins, Ruggles, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, and Waggaman—15. NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Chambers, Clay, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Ewing, Foot, Forsyth. Frelinghuysen, Grundy, Hondricks, Hill, John ton, Kane, King, Knight, Marcy, Robinson, Seymour, Silsbee, Smith, Sprague, Tipton, Tomlinson, Webster, White, and Wilkins—30. The remaining amendmen, was then concurred in.

LIS OF ACTS Passed at the First Session of the Twenty-second --- Congress. An ac supplementary to the “Act for the relief of cer ain surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution;”

combating by their side. Mr. HAYNE said, he had but one more word to say before the final question was taken. From the beginning of the session up to the present monent, he had, with the most per_fect good faith, voted for every proposition and used is u most efforts to effect such a mo dification of the tariff as should remove existing difficulties and do equal justice to all parts of the country. The bill has been put into the form which the tariff m jority in both houses had thought proper to give it, and it now only remained for him, at this last stage of its pro. gress to record his sentments in relation to it. He had examined its provisions carefully. He was perfectly satisfied that it did not propose to effect reduction in the revenue of more than from three to four millions of dollars, and of this nearly the whole amount was on unprotected articles. So far, it aggravated the injustice and inequality, of which the south had so loudly complained. This bill recognises the protecting system; it has been arranged throughout on the single princi le of taking care of the interests of the manufacturers, and was now openly supported by the tariff party, on the ground that this protection was inadequate to the object, and it had been openly avowed that, if it should, in any case, prove otherwise, further protection was to be hereafter extended. The duties retained by this bill were most unreasonable and exorbitant— 57 per cent. upon woollens, upwards of 100 per cent. upon cottons and ir n, and still higher upon salt and sugar, while articles o lookwry, unly because they did not come into compe, won with domestic manufactures, were to be admitted duty free. He regarded this bill * fixing the system upon the country forever, byond hope of future relief. He should, the fore, vote for its indefinite postponem nt,

Providing for the organization of the Ordnance Department; To authorize the mounting and equipment of a part of the army of the United States; Providing for the purchase, by the United States, of the rights of the Washington Bridge Company, in the District of Columbia, and for the erection of a public bridge on the site thereof; Confirming to Joshua Kennedy his claim to a tract of land in the city of Mobile ; to enable the President to exunguish Indian titles within the States of Indiana and Illinois, and Territory of Michigan; For the relief of Dixon Spears; For the relief of John Proctor; For the relief of Edward S. Meeder: For the relief of John H. Harrison; To amend an act entitled “An act for the * of George Johnston,” passed March 2, 1831; - For the relief of Don Carlos Dehault Delassus; Supplementary to the several laws for the sale of public lands; To authorize the State of Illinois to sell twenty thousand acres of the saline lands in said State; For the relief of Joseph Chamberlain; Supplementary to an act to grant pre-emption r ghts to settlers on public lands; For the relief of Hartwell Vick, of the State of Mississippi; For the relief d’s John J. Jacob; For the relief of John Brickwood Taylor; • To authorize the inhabitants of the State of Louisiana to enter their back lands; For the relief of he sureties of Amos Edwards; For the relief of George E. tringle; For the relief of the personal representatives

of Col. John Laurens;

and if the bill was to pass, he would leave the For the rehef of Heman Allen;

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