be surprised at any thing that may be done by ly on the editor of the Globe. He may rest assured that it does not suit him. We can only the President, or by those who control him. What a different aspect is exhibited by hon-account for it by supposing that during the visit est Amos in the above letter, from that which to the Hermitage, the kitchen cabinet are quite he ushered forth to the world in all the "pomp inflated at the idea of being the locum tenens of and glorious circumstances" of patriotism in his him "who was born to command." hypocritical letter upon the duties of Fourth Auditor. Then "the interest of the country demanded that the office should be filled with men of business, and not with babbling politi cians." "Partisan feelings shall not enter here if I can shut them out." Poor Amos! how hard he has striven to "shut out partisan feelings and babbling politicians;" but they have found their way in in despite of him. "To others belong the business of electioneering; to me and my clerks other duties are assigned." "Proud I am that the President has given me an opportunity to aid him in proving that reform is not an empty sound, and is not to apply merely to a change of men. Henceforth assiduously devoted to my official duties," &c. &c. PUBLIC REVENUE OF GREAT BRITAIN. We extract from a recent foreign publication, the following statement of the public revenue of Great Britain, from the period of the union of England and Scotland under James the first, until the present time. The amount is stated in dollars, taking the pound sterling at $5, and omitting the fractions of hundreds of pounds; a mode of computing large sums, which in the relative value of the two species of currency approximates, perhaps, as nearly to the truth, as any that can well be devised. The statement founded on the official returns, is, that the nett produce of the revenue has been as follows: On the accession of What an admirable commentary is one letter upon the other! Cannot the editor of the Globe come to the assistance of his coadjutor and friend? Suppose he attempts to reconcile the two letters. He will probably be just about as successful as he was in reconciling the Mays-On ville veto, and the signing the internal improve. ment bill. ones. SOUND LOGIC. The Clay journals are certainly more logical in their moral deductions than in their political We see that the Virginia Free Press has refused any longer to use the word honorable, as applied to members of Congress. And assigns as a reason, that in a northern paper he saw the words "the honorable Amos Kendall." Aristotle himself could not have made a more logical deduction. In the year accession of William IV. 1830 235,695,000 That a nation with this constantly increasing, and at present; vast revenue, should be encumThe editor of the Whig has mistaken the al- bered with a debt of more than THREE THOUSAND lusion made by Judge Brackenridge to Cæsar. MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, may well be considered How could he imagine that the Judge could as among the phenomena of the moral world. discover any resemblance between the charac-But the riddle is easy of solution. The paper ter of Julius Cæsar and Andrew Jackson. The from which we derive the information, has im allusion was to Augustus Cæsar, the crafty, mediately after the statement, the following emhollow hearted, treacherous tyrant, who rose phatic passage: to power on the ruins of the independence of the Senate and of the people, and assumed the power of nominating his successor, which the corruption of Rome enabled him to do. It was perhaps this circumstance in the life of the tyrant which forced the comparison on the mind of the Judge. His successor was Tiberius, more artful and treacherous than himself. How well the comparison holds. APPOINTMENT OF S. GWIN. "The wealth of the country has been increased during the same period, yet by no means in proportion to the taxation; indeed, in former times, there were scarcely any taxes levied on the people." Does not this prove two things: First, the fallacy of the idea that an augmentation of the revenue is the criterion of national prosperityand, secondly, the truth, that an increase, of, what is the same thing, a continuance of unne cessary, taxation, is sure to be followed by the most pernicious consequences? The Globe puts itself upon its dignity, and although it notices the charges relative to the They who in this country advocate the colabove appointment, it cannot, forsooth, conde-lection of a revenue beyond the sum required scend to answer them. Does the editor find for the legitimate wants of Government, may himself incompetent to the task? Or does he apply these facts and their results. wish to gain, by a paltry excuse, a few days to prepare himself, or receive assistance from abroad? An assumption of dignity sits very bad * The United Kingdom [London] Newspaper, of April 15. THE WOOL GROWERS AND THE MANU-Jact that can be perverted to the purposes of FACTURERS. oppression to so large a class of the community, Our extract to-day, from the Troy Budget, That they have the power to effect this, canshall be erased from your statute books. will give our readers at the south a view of the not for a moment be doubted; for they are contest that is now carrying on between the seven-tenths of your populaiion, and they comwool grower and the manufacturers. It is pure: mand at least as large a proportion of the ly a contest about the division of, the "spoils" wealth and respectability of the country. For of the south and the laboring classes. the interest, therefore, of the manufacturer, Each party can see and feel very sensibly the and of our people too, I trust we shall bear no effect of the tariff when it benefits himself, but more of combinations formed to affect the deprecates its operation, when it acts against price of wool. him. The wool grower thinks it horribly oppressive, that the manufacturers shall have nations formed by them for other, greater, and I wish I could stop here, and not see combithe power given them by law, to compel the still more unholy purposes. But I cannot shut wool grower to buy clothing at whatever price my eyes to the light that forces itself upon me. they choose to ask!" and that the wool grower I regret to see it, and more to say it; they are should not have a correspondent power given too desirous that the government of our counhim by law to fix a proportionate price on his try shall feel and acknowledge their power. wool. Each can see the injustice of the principle, selves against the constituted authorities of With few exceptions, they have arrayed themwhen applied to themselves, but unite to defend it when it is to operate on the south. The to give fealty for the promise of high dividends, your country, and appear to be more "anxious wool grower fairly and openly threatens, that than to advance the common interest of the unless they are allowed a full participation in country. Look into their factories, and you the "spoils," they will join the south, and "erase" the tariff "from the statute book." find them turned into schools of instruction in These threats produced the increased tariff on clusters of houses occupied by their workmen the interested politics of their owners-into the wool, in the new tariff bill. Let not the south, they are gratuitously filled with papers which let not the consumers for a moment imagine, abuse your government and applaud its most that they have any thing to hope from these di- violent opponents. visions. On the contrary, on every unequal di- rations is not confined to the manufacture of The sphere of their opevision of the "spoils" they will be called on to the articles they ostensibly engage in-they make up the balance. This has been openly have higher aims, no less than to ensure the avowed, on the floor of Congress, by the tariff election of those men to office who are pledgriends of the administration, as well as others.ed to give them the highest possible protection. They have openly declared that, if from the in- I speak of the manufacturers east of the Hudson oreased price of wool, or from any other cause, river, with whose acts I am more particularly the protection of 65 per cent. should not be e- acquainted. You have doubtless heard of the nough, it will be increased at the next session. declarations ascribed to them when met in conAnd yet in.direct contradiction to these avow-vention in New York in the spring of 1831, als of the devoted friends of the administration, that they would make the "government feel the servile press, the slavish organs of Van Bu- their power." For this purpose you have seen renism are using their utmost endeavors to make them establish a press, which was at first neuthe south believe that the present tariff will be tral as to politics, lately espousing the cause of again modified. FROM THE TROY BUDGET. that champion, who, for personal fealty, promises high dividends, and which paper is to advocate their interests at the sacrifice of greater. I do not speak this lightly; I will" suit the action to the word," and show conclusively that they are hostile to the farming, which is a predominant interest. The charge of a combination on the part of the wool monufacturers is of very serious import to the farmer. If the manufacturer looks upon it in the light in which it will ultimately affect him, I do not wonder that the paper in their interests is anxious to validate it; for let Resolved, That the tribunal provided by the me ask, what interest has the farmer to support constitution of the United States to decide disthe tariff, if any combination of men can by putes between the States and Federal Judicithat act deprive him of the benefits of the pro-ary, to wit, the Supreme Court, from the hatection it affords him? Only satisfy him that bits and duties of the Judges, from the mode of such is the case, that the men who are to pur-their election, and from the tenure of their offichase the products of his soil are to say to him, ces, is eminently qualified to decide the disputes you shall have so much and no more, and by aforesaid, in an enlightened and impartial manprevious understanding and consequenly co ner. cert of action, they can give effect to their de- Resolved, That the members of the Supreme clarations and compel him to sell at the price Court being elected from those in the United they affix, and to buy, (clothing, if you please) States who are most celebrated for virtue and at the price they choose to ask, it is destruc- legal learning, not at the will of a single indition, positive and deserved destruction to all vidual, but by the concurrent wishes of the Preour woollen establishments. They will rise en sident and Senate of the United States, they masse, and demand of your Congress that an will, therefore, have no local prejudices and But what would the Convention say in cases evidently this is shown by passing events. where laws are passed not "in conformity with On the 4th resolution we shall say nothing at the constitution." Surely it will not contend that the people are bound to obey them. The second resolution, relative to the judges The resolution further declares that there is of the Supreme Court, contains not a little in it "no middle ground between obedience and re- of rather an extraordinary nature. Coming volution." Were the General Government of from the source it does, we suppose it must be the States a consolidated one, there would be considered as serious. some truth in the odeclaratin. The disobe- That in all cases of meum and tuum, of law dience of individuals to an unconstitutional law and equity, the Judges would decide "without might be termed revolutionary, but that would fear, favor, or partiality," we are not in the least not make it wrong. disposed to question. That, however, does not by any means render them proper persons find the sum and substance of the whole. It is to decide upon the political questions which the very marrow of the doctrine of the latitumay arise between the States and the General dinarian consolidationists. We are, we must Government; and none other of any moment is confess, struck with the novelty of the mode likely ever to arise. Any half dozen intelli- of its enunciation, or, to speak more correctly, gent individuals taken at random from the lite- with the novelty of the opinions developed in rati of London, Paris, Berlin or Dresden, would the resolution. be much better calculated to give a fair and "The tribunal provided by the Constitution impartial opinion. to decide disputes between the States and FedBut, says the resolution, they would have eral Judiciary." In perusing the Constitution no "local prejudices or partialities." Is this we are unable to find any provision made for possible? Could the convention have really such a case. There is nothing said by which believed this? To us it seems strange and un- we could infer the probability of the existence natural. There must surely be something ve- of such a case being in the contemplation of ry extraordinary connected with a seat on the the framers of the Constitution. bench, that as soon as an individual occupies it, It however would be of little service to the he becomes divested ex officio of "all local pre- latitudinarian constructors of the Constitution, judices and partialities. Apollo's tripod at if there had been a provision made to decide in Delphos had not a much more powerful effect" cases of disputes between the judiciary of a upon the Pythoness, when it enabled her to see State and the judiciary of the United States," into futurity. unless there was also a tribunal to decide be The reasons assigned for this exemption of tween the States and the General Government, the judges from the ordinary frailties of hu- in cases involving the constitutionality of the manity, are not much less singular than the ex-acts of the General Government. And it is this exemption itself. "They are selected from that the Convention means to assert when it those who are most celebrated for virtue and declares that the Supreme Court is the tribunal legal learning." Without calling in question to decide between the "States and Federa the truth of the declaration, that they are al-Judiciary." That is, the judiciary of the Unit ways so selected, we need only observe, that ed States is to decide all disputes between even that would not justify the assertion of itself and the judiciary of the States; and contheir exempion from "local partialities and sequently to decide all disputes between itself prejudicies, Much less would the fact of and the States. In other words, one branch of their appointment being made by "the concur- the General Government shall be the arbiter in rent wishes of the President and the Senate,' all disputes between said Government and the produce on them the transformation expected States. It requires no spirit of prophecy to by the convention. Experience, we think, foretell how such disputes will always be dehas shown lately, that individuals, every way cided. To suppose that such was the intenunworthy, may be appointed to office by the tion of the framers of the Constitution, is to conPresident, and if not confirmed, be at least sider them equally destitute of a knowledge of warmly supported by a large party in the Sen-human nature, and of political science. ate. Let us suppose for a moment that this imBut who are the individuals most likely to plied power of the Supreme Court had been be selected to fill the responsible situation of expressed in the Constitution, and an article judges in the courts of the United States? Ex- had been introduced, declaring that "if any perience tells us. Men who have taken active dispute should arise between the States and the parts in the political concerns of the country, Government, as to the construction of the Conand who stand high in the estimation of the stitution, or the extent of the powers of said party, and perhaps also in that of the country. Government, all such disputes shall be decid. And yet these men are supposed to be ex officio ed by a tribunal to be organised by the Govern divested of all "local prejudices and partiali-ment, and the members of which shall be apties," and to be instanter, able to decide "with- pointed by the President and Senate. Can any out fear, favor, or partiality," all disputes about intelligent man for a moment believe that one political rights that may occur between the single State would have agreed to the ConstituStates and the General Government. tion? It was with difficulty that the States Let us suppose a practical exertion of this could be induced to give their assent to the power. We will take this very question, the Constitution as it is. And why? They dreadconstitutionality of the tariff, which has pro-ed the insidious encroachments of the General duced these resolutions. Let us suppose it to Government on the rights of the States and of be brought before the Chief Justice, and Judges the people. They had a presentiment of Baldwin, McLane, and Story. Who can doubt what has actually taken place, that the Goas to what would be their decision? We mean vernment would tend to consolidation through not the slightest disrespect to them, but we all legal technical constructions. And they saw know that they are committed upon this point, that in a country of such diversified moral and and to leave the decision to them would be just physical relations, that consolidation must be as pertinent and judicious as to leave the free-immediately followed or accompanied by ty dom of the Poles to the decision of the Empe- ranny or a separation of the States. The whole ror Nicholas. proceedings of the Convention which formed It is, however, in the first resolution that we the Constitution, and of the State Conventions which ratified it, show that the great object the resolution of Mr. Pendleton, relative to the Will the Globe venture to was to preserve the rights of the States, and to Supreme Court. give the General Government no more power deny the correctness of the principles advocat than was absolutely requisite to carry on the ed by the honorable representative from Georexternal relations of the country, and to attain gia? Oh, no! that would be impolitic. Hopes such specified general objects as could not be are still entertained of a vote in Georgia favora conveniently embraced within the powers of ble to Mr. Van Buren, and as long as that is the individual States. What then can be more the case, so long will Georgia nullification be unreasonable than to suppose that the Consti- the true principles of the Constitution, and the tution contains, by implication, a power which decisions of the Supreme Court be subordinate annuls all the restraints imposed upon the Go-to the sovereign power of the State. But cross vernment by specific grants of certain powers, and express reservations of all others. the Savannah, and the Constitution becomes, under Executive logic, quite a different thing, and the Supreme Court may riot in the full indulgence of absolute power. So much for principles. FROM THE CHARLESTON EVENING POST. The Doctrine of Treason. "The Richmond Enquirer speaking of the final disposition of the tariff in the Senate, says: "Messrs. Webster and Clay were thankful that the bill recognized the protective principle! Mr. Hayne, (whom we yet hope to see But let us examine a little more particularly convicted of the mischiefs of nullification,) fell this idea of the commission of treason against into the same mistake!! It is, indeed, a strange the United States by the public authorities and mistake. The assertion called up other Sena-people of a State, and see how it will turn out tors, who disavowed it. And so do we. In in practice. An individual charged with the comtaking this bill as the lesser of two evils, as mission of an offence against the United States softening the tariff, and saving us from commo- must be tried in the State where the offence is tion, we do not recognize the protective prin- committed. When, then, the laws of the ciple. We take the bill with a protestando." Union have become so oppressive as to deter "A"protestando !" Well, gentlemen, mine a State to resist; when the oppressions what signifies your protestando? What is to are such as to rouse the people to defend their be the consequence of it? You talk of the rights even at the hazard of a civil war, do you "mischiefs of nullification:" if your protesta- think you would find among that people a jury tions have not the desired effect, will ye also who would convict a fellow-citizen of treason become nullies? Suppose Congress adhere to for having acted on the authority, and in the the protective principle for twenty years, and defence of the sovereign rights of the State? you to your protestando: it will only turn out As a question of law, the federal judge might, that the country will advance to prosperity, in and probably would, determine that the act spite of your empty protests." amounted to treason under the Constitution of The preceding is from the Columbian Centi- the United States; but would the jury, a part of nel of Boston. The friends of the tariff can this very State, this social community, duly imscarcely conceal their contempt for those who pressed with the allegiance which they owed praise the new tariff bill, and hate it in reality, to that State-would this jury return a verdict and receive it with a protestando. Does the of guilty, under these circumstances? Never, Enquirer suppose that its praise of the bill is Sir, no, never. not perfectly understood by every intelligent But I may be told I am arguing from extreme individual. All know it is electioneering hy- cases. I have a right to do so. It is only an pocrisy. Let the election be over, and we extreme case that will justify a resort to such shall again see the Enquirer coming out and measures on the part of a State. No State will carrying into effect his protestando, unless the ever attempt to assume this attitude except in course of events should carry him over in reali-cases of "palpable and dangerous violations of ty to the tariff party. This tariff, however, the Constitution" by the Federal Government. will answer their purpose until another elec-The admission that this right exists in an extion is about to approach; when we shall have treme case, is quite enough for me. It is only another tariff similar to this, and another proin these cases that I contend for it; but of this testando of the trafficing politicians. extremity the State must judge. Security against the abuse of the right of Nullification. The question of the Centinel are very appropriate. "What signifies your protestando?" Very little indeed. Eight years of protestan- When I am asked then, what security there dos have done nothing. And if Mr. Speight, is against this resort of the States to their origi of North Carolina, knows any thing about the nal sovereign rights and their refusal to submit plans of the party, five years more are to be to the laws of Congress? I answer, it is in the employed in the same way. Thirteen years of responsibility of those who guide the councils protestandos, and then Mr. Ritchie and the col-of the States and on public opinion. Sir, this lar junto will-think about what is to be done. is essentially a Government founded on, and A hopeful prospect indeed! GEORGIA NULLIFICATION. The extracts below are from the very able remarks of Mr. Foster, of Georgia, made on supported by, public opinion; and whenever this has ceased to operate, the Government is at an end. If a State should resolve on resistidg a law of the United States, or even seceding them from the Union, do you believe that |