the application of force would coerce her to decisions of the Supreme Court. It has been submission? No, Sir, whenever this resort is frequently said, that if a decision of this Court attempted the days of the republic are number is resisted, the President is bound to call forth ed! Whenever the moral feeling of the coun- the military force of the Union. When we ask try has ceased to operate, it would be vain, nay, from whence this power is derived, we are it would be madness, to resort to physical force. pointed to the constitutional requisition that Alexander Hamilton's opinions of Reserved the President "shall take care that the laws are faithfully executed." But this is a mere Rights. The speech, from which I am about to read, general expression-the manner in which the was delivered in the New York Convention, laws are to be executed, if not pointed out in the Constitution, must be provided for by law while the ratification of the Constitution was under discussion. Speaking of the concurrent-the means by which a law is to be carried into execution depends very much on the law jurisdiction of the united and individual States, itself. In order to have the laws executed the in matters of taxation General Hamilton says, "I maintain that the word supreme imports no courts must be held; yet it will not be conmore than this-that the Constitution and laws tended that the President should attend the made in pursuance thereof, cannot be controlled court. The President is not the ministerial ofor defeated by any other law. The acts of the ficer of the court; the process and decrees of United States therefore will be absolutely obli- the court are executed by their marshal; and gatory, as to all the proper objects and powers of if there be any resistance, he must summon the the General Government. The States, as well posse. To enable him to execute the process as individuals bound by these laws; but the laws of the court, the whole power of the country is of Congress are restricted to a certain sphere, and subject to his order. And, Sir, this power when they depart from this sphere, they are no has been wisely lodged where it is-the aid of longer supreme or binding. In the same man- the people is a safe reliance for the execution ner, the States have certain independent powers in which their laws are supreme.

lish with pleasure the following communica- triumphant. More than one of the five mil
tion, from a highly respectable source, giving tions proposed for this object, has been alrea
an account of the very patriotic conduct of the dy subscribed in that State, within a few days.
late Unionists of St. John's, and of the happy The spirit of home industry, and of true na
harmony of feeling, and unity of sentiment, tional glory is now abroad, and promises for
which now exists among them and their former the efforts of the real patriots of that State,
opponents, the State Rights party. Such news richer and more enduring fame than was ever
is cheering. We shall be glad to receive the yet enjoyed by the most distinguished and va
official account alluded to: we trust, that the liant of our pot-house declaimers. We shall
manly and magnanimous conduct of the Union-continue to advise our readers of the happy
ists of St. John's, in declaring for the State, changes that are going on in the
will have a propitious effect both here and else-nion."-Charleston City Gazette.
where.

Old DomiThe suggestion that we made some time WADMALAW, St. John's Colleton, July 19. since, that the Richmond Enquirer, and those I take great pleasure in communicating to you whose organ it is, were preparing to desert all the change of sentiment in this Parish. A meet their former principles, is daily receiving eviing of the State Rights and Free Trade party dence of its truth. The above extract, from was held at Rockville yesterday, for the pur- the Charleston City Gazette, is taken from the pose of declaring their sentiments in relation to Enquirer, into which it is admitted without the late proceedings in Congress, and the der- comment, no doubt receiving the approbation nier resort of our State demanded by the crisis. of its editor. The remarks of the Gazette upWe were happy enough to command the ears on the sentiment of Mr. Speaker Stevenson of many of our opponents. The prospective are striking, and show that he considers the passage of Mr. Adams' bill, with the recorded entiment expressed by Mr. Stevenson as invotes of Messrs. Drayton, Mitchell, and Blair,volving an entire abandonment of what have in its favor, has entirely alienated them from the hitherto been emphatically styled Virginia Union party of Charleston, and the fine effect principles. This the Enquirer publishes with produced by Mr. W. B. Seabrook's address, in out the disapprobation or denial of the truth of which, by the way, he surpassed himself-unite the conclusions drawn by the Gazette. It is the two parties in sentiment almost to a man. considered by the Gazette as the pledge of VirThe strongest toasts given on the occasion, ginia to cease its VAPORING against the "tyranwere those, who a week or two since, were nical exactions of a corrupt majority in Constaunch for "the Union." The proceedings gress;" that is, to cease opposition to the tariff will be published, and are of the most gratify- and to internal improvement by the General ing character. A Convention-not Southern Government.

Convention-for every body laughs at that up The sentiment of Mr. Stevenson is a virtual,
here, but of the good people of South Carolina, we should rather say an avowed, abandonment
was unanimously decided upon, as the most pro. of every principle that the republican and
per and popular course now open to the legis-State Rights party have been contending for
lative body.
ever since the bold stand taken in 1798 by Jef-
ferson, Giles, Madison, and Nicholas, in oppo-
"At the citizens celebration of the Fourth, sition to the latitudinarian constructions of the
at Washington City, Mr. Speaker Stevenson, Constitution, by which the rights of the States
one of Virginia's most accomplished statesmen, are totally annihilated. Is Virginia willing to
gave the following toast:
redeem this pledge made by "one of her most
"Our holy Union! The charter of our ex-accomplished statesmen"" Is she willing base-
istence as a nation; the banner under which we ly to surrender her own rights and sovereignty
must all rally; the flag which we must nail to to enable a few of her recreant sons to attain of
the mast, and go down with the ship rather fice by an union with the friends of the tariff;
than strike."
by an union with Mr. Van Buren.

This is a strong American sentiment, and ex- These changes of political principles, for
presses, we have no question, the pledge of changes they are confessed to be, are produced
Virginia to go for the "Union now and forev- wholly and solely by the hope of office. No-
er, one and indivisible." No reasonable doubt thing else has produced them., No convic-
can be entertained of the determination of tha! tion of former error is even pretended to be
66 nursery of heroes and patriots," to cease its felt; but they gradually face about without its
vaporing against the "tyrannical exactions of a being discovered except by those who watch
corrupt majority in Congress," and instead the signs of the times," when, and how, and
thereof, to fall back upon those magnificent re- why, the change has taken place.
sources which have been so unsparingly lavish- The above article was unquestionably insert-
ed on every part of its territories, by the boun-ed in the Enquirer as a pulse feeler, to see how
teous hand of nature; but which the political the idea would take among its readers. The
jugglers of our era have sought to obscure, editor is unquestionably somewhat afraid as to
with the mysticisms of quackery and false al- the probable termination of the course he is pur-
legiance.
suing. Every now and then he retraces his
"Their system of Internal Improvement, is footsteps, but still be advances; and he has at
receiving an impulse at this moment, which, if last become so committed that it is no longer
persevered in for a short time, will render it in his power to return to where he started.

The Gazette tells us that the sentiment of to revenue, but I will fearlessly assert, that but Mr. S. is a "strong American sentiment, and for the demands on the Treasury, the system of expresses without question the pledge of Vir-high duties, which have acted so powerfully for ginia to go for the Union one and idivisible." the protection of manufactures, would never The Gazette is right. The sentiment means have been established, and could not, possibly, that, or it means nothing. "One and indivisi- have been maintained for a single year. The ble!!" Consolidation to all intents and pur- successive tariffs of 1816, 1824, and 1828, owed poses! And is this the consummation of Vir- their existence to the condition of the country ginia principles? Is this to be the result of in relation to the public debt, and the manufac. the labors of Jefferson, Giles, and Madison? turers had very adroitly connected a protection Is Virginia to become a by-word and a mockery? to their industry with the collection of revenue The first strenuously to defend the Rights of for the redemption of the public faith. But the States, and the first basely to abandon now, that the debt is about to be paid, and a them? We cannot believe it; it is a slander on demand on the Trreasury for $12,000,000 per her sons. A few recreant ones may become annum is about to be entirely removed, a new treacherous in hope of sharing in the "spoils and most interesting question arises, whether of office and of victory"-but Virginia-never. the protection of manufactures is to be made a "We shall continue to advise our readers of distinct and substantive object of legislation, the happy changes that are going on in the and whether taxes, no longer necessary for any Old Dominion." How do the old republicans legitimate public object, are to be levied, mereof 1798 like this? "Happy changes." "Hap-ly for the purpose of affording protection to the py" indeed it may be to the friends of the ta- manufacturers. It will be seen at a glance, riff, since they see in these changes a continu-that this question calls upon us to take a new ation of their present profits and exactions on and most important step in the legislation of the the south, and a certain prospect of more; so country. It will be admitted on all hands, that far as the acquiescence of Virginia will pro- but for the claims of the manufacturers of woolI cure them, whenever they may want them to lens, cottons, and iron, the duties on these stimulate their ever ungratified rapacity. But articles would now be reduced to fifteen per will it be a happy change to those who look to cent., and if they are to be kept up to fifty, the rights of the States as our only preservative sixty, or one hundred per cent., it will from consolidation, and its inevitable conse-not be because the public want the money, but quence-tyranny and oppression.

DEBATE ON THE TARIFF.

SPEECH OF MR. HAYNE, or S. C. ON THE THIRD READING OF THE TARIFF BILL. Mr. HAYNE rose and said, he must throw himself upon the indulgence of the Senate to state the reasons which should induce him to vote against the bill.

because the introduction of the foreign articles, at a low rate of duty, would interfere with, or as gentlemen will have it, prostrate this branch of our domestic industry. The standard which gentlemen propose on this subject, is not the wants of the Treasury, but what they are pleased to call adequate protection to the manufactuIt must be obvious, therefore, that to rers. adjust the tariff on the plan now proposed, is distinctly to recognize the principle of protection as the settled policy of the country-a principle I am well aware, Mr. President, said Mr. H., to which I can never give my consent in any that nothing that can be now said, will have the shape. Let me not, on this point, be misunslightest effect on the votes of gentlemen on derstood. I am no enemy to the manufacturthe other side; and I know that the House, at ers. I would not destroy them if I could. Of this late period of the session, is too impatient this I think I have given abundant evidence in of delay, to admit of protracted discussion on the plan I proposed at the beginning of the sesany question. Still I indulge the hope, that sion, for the settlement of this great question. they will consent to hear what I promise them The resolution which I had the honor to subshall consist of little more than a bare statement mit as an amendment to that of the Senator of my objections to the bill. I am opposed to from Kentucky, (Mr. CLAY,) was, in substance, the bill in its present shape, Mr. President, be- a proposition to reduce the revenue, after the cause it contains all the objectionable features of payment of the public debt, to the wants of the the existing tariff. country. I proposed to do this on principles It recognizes the PROTECTING SYSTEM as "the of perfect justice and equality, and to guard a'settled policy of the country." Ever since gainst any shock to the manufacturers, by a sudthe commencement of this system from the den reduction of the duties to the lowest reve year 1816-nay, from the beginning of the war nue standard,-I declared my entire willingto the present time; there has always existed in ness that this reduction should be gradual, and the actual condition of the country, some rea- spread over several years. I was perfectly wilson, or a plausible excuse, for a system of high ling, provided the duties should be finally duties. During the war, we wanted money to brought down to the revenue standard, that carry it on; and after the peace, the enormous gentlemen should almost take their own public debt which was left upon our hands, time for the accomplishment of the object. Nor rendered high duties indispensable to enable did this proposition involve the slightest sacrithe country to fulfil its obligations. I will not fice of principle; for it entered into my plan, say that all the duties imposed were necessary that the debt should be spread over several

years, so that the duties should be brought Another, and one of my strongest objections
down to the proper point, on the final extinc-to this bill is, that it increases the evils of the
tion of that debt. Sir, according to this plan, existing system, by aggravating its inequality
the manufacturers would have enjoyed an inci- and injustice. The great point of distinction
dental protection equal to the amount of duties between the friends of the free trade and the
necessary for revenue. I am not prepared to advocates of the protective system, arises from
say how far the reduction on the protected ar- the different views as to the policy to be pur-
ticles would, under this system, have been car- sued in relation to the protected and unprotec
ried. I presume that 15 or 20 per cent. ad va-ed articles. The gentleman from Kentucky
lorem would have been found, eventually, suf-(Mr. CLAY) and myself, at the commencement
ficient for all purposes. This, as it seems to of the session differed irreconcilably on this
me, would, with charges, freight, and insur- subject. The advocates of the American sys-
ance, have amour.ted to a protection of at least tem insist that the only proper subjects for fed-
33 per cent.; and it has always appeared to eral taxation, are those foreign articles which
me,that if, with a permanent protection of one-enter into competition with similar articles
third of the cost of the article in the home mar-made or produced within the United States,
ket, our manufactures cannot enter into a suc- while we at the south contend there is neither
cessful competition with the foreign, that they reason nor justice in subjecting to exorbitant
must be engaged in a pursuit most unprofitable taxation every article which we receive from
to the country, and the sooner it is abandoned, abroad in exchange for our productions.-
the better for all parties concerned.
The ground of our complaint is, that we ob-
My next objection to this bill is, that it re-tain woollens, cottons, and iron from Europe
tains the mininums and the specific duties. I in excharge for our cotton, rice, and tobacco;
have already stated at large my objection to and when we bring them into our own markets
this feature in the bill, and will not now repeat for sale în competition with similar articles, the
what I then said. I will only here add, as an fruits of our labor and capital are subjected to a
additional objection, that the minimums and discriminating tax of from 40 to 50 per cent.
specific duties create a perpetually increasing for the benefit of the labor and capital of our
tax on the articles embraced by them. It re-northern brethren. This we believe to be sub-
quires no argument to show that a tax of eight stantially a tax on the industry of the south, and
cents a yard on cottons costing 16 cents, which a bounty to the industry of the north. It is not
is a tax of only 50 per cent., becomes 100 per my present purpose, Sir, said Mr. H., to en-
cent. when the article is reduced to 8 cents; large on this topic, which I have endeavored,
and such reductions have, for years past, been on a former occasion, to explain and enforce;
going on, as we all know, in relation to every but if there be any truth in the argument, it
article included under the minimum principle. furnishes an insuperable objection to this bill,
I regard the recognition of this odious prin- which is so arranged as to throw the entire
ciple, in the bill now before the Senate, as a burden of taxtion on the protected articles,
lasting establishment of the prohibitory system while the unprotected articles are to be ad-
in this country. The minimums on cottons was mitted duty free. We have always insisted
at first introduced for the purpose of encour-that while duties on the unprotected articles,
aging the production of coarse cottons. We being generally articles of luxury, operate with
are told that it has been completely successful; perfect equalitly on all parts of the country,
that it is no longer necessary to protection, and the duties on the protected articles, not only
yet the system is maintained inviolate, because, operate most unequally upon the different sec-
as gentlemen insist, it has no operation. The tions and the different interests, but that they
minimums, then, are to be introduced to build are also of the nature of a double tax-first on
up a manufacture, and are to be retained to the imported article, and next by enhancing
establish a monopoly; for, if gentlemen refuse the price of the domestic article. We have
to abolish them in relation to coarse cottons, we heard a good deal of the efforts that have been
can never, hereafter, expect to have them abol-made to relieve the complaints of the south.
ished in any case whatever.
The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. CLAY) de-
Another and most insuperable objection to lares, that no man would go further than he
this bill is, that it raises an amount of revenue would, to remove those complaints, though he
greatly exceeding the wants of the Govern- believes them to be wholly groundless. Sir,
ment. This fact I shall fully establish in ano- the gentleman has frequently made similar de
ther part of my argument, but for the present, clarations during the present session. As to
assuming it to be uncontrovertible, I object to the gentleman's friendly disposition, I have
the scheme because it necessarily leads to ex-nothing to say; but I am bound to say to him
travagant expenditures-to appropriations for in perfect candor, that I have no evidence of
unconstitutional purposes-to a disgraceful such disposition in his acts. How far he may
scramble for the public money, and to an inju- be disposed to go, I know not; but he certain-
rious dependence on the part, as well of the ly has not advanced one step-no, not one inch
States as of the people, on the Federal Govern- in furtherance of his declared object.
ment. It violates the cardinal principles of Sir, this bill holds out no relief to the south.
our system, and must, in the end, corrupt the We have never uttered one word of complaint
whole country and endanger our free institu- against the duties on the unprotected articles;
they were imposed for revenue; and to any

tions.

j

2

t

fair and equal revenue system we do not ob-posed in 1828, a reduction at least of from 20 ject. Our complaints have been levelled against to 30 per cent. on every article paying specific the duties imposed, not for revenue, but for duties is indispensable. Since 1828, there protection. And gentlemen, gravely, pro- has been a considerable reduction in the prices pose to redress our grievances by taking off of all the articies embraced in our tariff; a reall the revenue duties, and leaving the protect- duction which is progressively going on; and it ing duties untouched. Sir, as to the mighty requires no argument to show that every reboon conferred, forsooth, by a low duty on ne- duction of price operates as an increase of the gro cloth and coarse blankets, I have only to duty. The duties under the act of 1828, are, say that gentlemen seem entirely to misunder therefore, much higher now than they were stand the character of the southern people; when that act was imposed. As an illustration they treat us like spoiled children, to be bribed of this branch of the subject, I will call the with sugar plumbs, pleased with a rattle, tick- attention of the Senate to the fact, that when a led with a toy. But what are the grounds of duty of $30 a ton was imposed on rolled iron it our complaints? Is it that we pay a high tax cost eleven pounds sterling, so that the rate of upon a few articles of negro clothing? No, Sir, duty on the article was then 59 per cent.; but it is because every article which we receive the same duty now on such iron at the present from abroad, in exchange for our productions, reduced price would be 167 per cent., making is enormously taxed; it is because duties to the a difference of 108 per cent. It is proposed amount of from 40 to 50 per cent. on $40,- to reduce the duty from $37 to $30 per ton, 000,000, of our importations, procured by south but $30 at existing prices is a much higher duty ern industry, are imposed as a bounty to the than 37 dollars in 1828. The same thing is true industry of a more favored section of the Uni- of cottons under the minimum price of 35 on, that we have called in question the justice, cents. And every one must know that 16 cents the policy, and the right of imposing on us, a the square yard on flannels which may be had system absolutely fatal to our prosperity. And for 12 cents, is a much higher duty than 22 cents what is the amount of this mighty boon to the a square yard at the former prices of 18 or 20 south? According to an estimate which I hold cents; so that every gentleman will perceive at in my hand, the negro cloth, covered by the once, that in taking the tariff of 1828 as the low duty under this bill, will amount to about standard for this bill, the duties will be conside. $239,600; coarse blankets, under 75 cents, to rably increased beyond what they were when about $100,000; the saving on which two ar that act was passed. The truth is, Mr. Presiticles would just amount to $112,000; and the dent, that there has been a considerable fall in share of South Carolina would be just about the price of all manufactured articles, not only $10,000; a sum quite sufficient, no doubt, in in this country, but in Europe and throughout the estimation of gentlemen, to bribe her to an the world. No mistake can be greater than to acquiescence in the American system. suppose that this has been produced by the esI have, Sir, still another objection to this tablishment of manufactures in this country. bill; it introduces new and oppressive features It is perfectly absurd to say that the introducin the protecting system. Woollens of every tion of cotton manufactures in this country, for description are to be subjected to cash duties; instance, to an amount equal to two or three per while other articles are to be entitled to cent. on the cotton manufactures of Great Bri credits of 3 and 6 months. Why this discrimi- tain, could reduce the value of the whole of the nation? Is there any reason or justice in it? latter'one half; and yet we know that the cotton Can there be any object in it, but to discou- manufactures of England have actually fallen rage the importation of woollens, and to open 50 per cent. in the price. The truth is, that a door to a system of discriminating duties, by this reduction in prices has fallen indiscrimi which particular articles may be excluded by nately on all articles, protected and unprotect oppressive regulations, at the discretion of ed; and has resulted from general causes, in Congress. I object, Sir, likewise, must point- operation to a certain extent all over the world; edly, to the diminution of the credits, the only such as changes in the currency, improvements effect of which, as it seems to me, will be to n machinery, and a diminution in the wages of embarrass commerce-lessen the capital em- iobor. I hold in my hand, Sir, said Mr. H., an ployed in trade-and cripple the commercial official document, showing the extent of the resources of the country. It will moreover, to reduction of prices of manufactured goods of a great extent, throw the trade into the hands every description in Great Britain, between the of the wealthy capitalist, and do an irreparable years 1811 and 1829; an examination of which injury to the small importer, the retail deal-will satisfy gentlemen of the true state of the er. Nor can it escape our notice that by this case. Mr. HAYNE here read from the table the bill, new and inquisitorial powers have been following abstract. granted to the appraisers.

MANUFACTURES AND PRODUCE OF GREAT

I come now, Sir, to the last point on which I propose to touch-the true character and prac-Years.

tical effects of this bill. We are about to ar

proportion

100-141

100--64

£30,850,618

range a permanent system of revenue adapted 1811 £21,723,532
to a state of profound peace, after the total ex-1829 £55,465,723 £35,212,873

tinction of the public debt. To establish a On the whole, equal to about 45 per cent. re

rate of duties now, no higher than those im-duction.