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The Gazette tells us that the sentiment of sto revenue, but I will fearlessly assert, that but ect , in e

Mr. S. is a “strong American sentiment, and for the demands on the Treasury, the system of expresses without question the pledge of Vir- high duties, which have acted so powerfully for

ginia to go for the Union one and idivisible.” the protection of manufactures, would never 1 an

The Gazette is right. The sentiment means have been established, and could not, possibly, not on that, or it means nothing. “ One and indivisi- have been maintained for a single year. The het ble!!" Consolidation to all intents and pur successive tariffs of 1816, 1824, and 1828, owed distet poses! And is this the consummation of Vir- their existence to the condition of the country lelare ginia principles? Is this to be the result of in relation to the public debt, and the manufac. pendent the labors of Jefferson, Giles, and Madison sturers had very adroitly connected a protection on the Is Virginia to become a by-word and a mockery? to their industry with the collection of revenue

The first strenuously to defend the Rights of for the redemption of the public faith. But * the States, and the first basely to abandon now, tbat the debt is about to be paid, and a 3 Erge them? We cannot believe it; it is a slander on demand on the Trreasury for $12,000,000 per prepaid her sons. A few recreant ones may become annum is about to be entirely removed, a new is also treacherous in hope of sharing in the “spoils and most interesting question arises, whether : brei of office and of victory”—but Virginia---never. the protection of manufactures is to be made a

"We shall continue to advise our readers of distinct and substantive object of legislation, is not on the happy changes that are going on in the and whether taxes, no longer necessary for any

Old Dominion." How do the old republicans legitimate public object, are to be levied, mere. point of 1798 like this? “ Happy changes." "Hapo ly for the purpose of affording protection to the og spy" indeed it may be to the friends of the ta- manufacturers. It will be seen at a glance, is riff

, since they see in these changes a continu- that this question calls upon us to take a new ation of their present profits and exactions on and most important step in the legislation of the the south, and a certain prospect of more; so country. It will be admitted on all hands, that far as the acquiescence of Virginia will pro. but for the claims of the manufacturers of woolcure them, whenever they may want them to lens, cottons, and iron, the duties on these stimulate their ever ungratified rapacity. But articles would now be reduced to fifteen per will it be a happy change to those who look to cent., and if they are to be kept up to fifty, the rights of the States as our only preservative sixty, or one hundred percent., it will from consolidation, and its inevitable conse- not be because the public want the money, but quence-tyranny and oppression.

because the introduction of the foreign articles,

at a low rate of duty, would interfere with, or DEBATE ON THE TARIFF.

as gentlemen will have it, prostrate this branch of our domestic industry. The standard which

gentlemen propose on this subject, is not the SPEECH OF MR. HAYNE, OF S. C.

wants of the Treasury, but what they are please ON THE THIRD READING OF THE TARIFF BILL. ed to call adequate protection to the manufactu.

Mr. HAYNE rose and said, he must throw rers. It must be obvious, therefore, that to himself

upon the indulgence of the Senate to adjust the tariff on the plan now proposed, is state the reasons which should induce him to distinctly to recognize the principle of protection vote against the bill.

as the settled policy of the country-a principle I am well aware, Mr. President, said Mr. H., to which I can never give my consent in any

that nothing that can be now said, will have the shape. Let me not, on this point, be misun. Teslightest effect on the votes of gentlemen onderstood. I am no enemy to the manufactur.

the other side ; and I know that the House, at ers. I would not destroy them if I could. Of this late period of the session, is too impatient this I think I have given abundant evidence in of delay, to admit of protracted discussion on the plan i proposed at the beginning of the sesany question. Still I indulge the hope, that sion, for the settlement of this great question, they will consent to hear what I promise them The resolution which I had the honor to subshall consist of little more than a bare statement mit as an amendment to that of the Senator of my objections to the bill. I am opposed to from Kentucky, (Mr. CLAY,) was, in substance, the bill in its present shape, Mr. President,

'be- a proposition to reduce the revenue, after the cause it contains all the objectionable features of payment of the public debt, to the wants of the the existing tarif

country. I proposed to do this on principles It recognizes the PROTECTING SYSTEM as "the of perfect justice and equality, and to guard a'settled policy of the country." Ever since gainst any shock to the manufacturers, by a sud. the commencement of this system from the den reduction of the duties to the lowest reve. year 1816—nay, from the beginning of the war nue standard, I declared my entire willingto the present time; there has always existed in ness that this reduction should be gradual, and the actual condition of the country, some rea- spread over several years. I was perfectly wil. son, or a plausible excuse, for a system of high ling, provided the duties should be finally duties. During the war, we wanted money to brought down to the revenue standard, that carry it on; and after the peace, the enormous gentlemen should almost take their own public debt which was left upon our hands, time for the accomplishment of the object. Nor rendered high duties indispensable to enable did this proposition involve the slightest sacri. the country to fulfil its obligations. I will not fice of principle; for it entered into my plan, say that all the duties imposed were necessary that the debt should be spread over several

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years, so that the duties should be brought Another, and one of my strongest objections down to the proper point, on the final extinc. to this bill is, that it increases the evils of the tion of that debt. Sir, according to this plan, existing system, by aggravating its inequality the manufacturers would have enjoyed an inci- and injustice. The great point of distinctioa dental protection equal to the amount of duties between the friends of the free trade and the necessary for revenue. I am not prepared to advocates of the protective system, arises from say how far the reduction on the protected ar- the different views as to the policy to be pur. ticles would, under this system, have been car- sued in relation to the protected and unprotecried. I presume that 15 or 20 per cent. ad va- ed articles. The gentleman from Kentucky lorem would have been found, eventually, suf-(Mr. Clar) and myself

, at the commencement ficient for all purposes. This, as it seems to of the session differed irreconcilably on this me, would, with charges, freight, and insur. subject. The advocates of the American sytha ance, have amourted to a protection of at least tem insist that the only proper subjects for fed. 335 per cent.; and it has always appeared to eral taxation, are those foreign articles which me that if, with a permanent protection of one. enter into competition with similar articles third of the cost of the article in the home mar. made or produced within the United States, ket, our manufactures cannot enter into a suc- while we at the south contend there is neither cessful competition with the foreign, that they reason nor justice in subjecting to exorbitant must be engaged in a pursuit most unprofitable taxation every article which we receive from to the country, and the sooner it is abandoned, abroad in exchange for our productions the better for all parties concerned.

The ground of our complaint is, that we obo My next objection to this bill is, that it re- tain woollens, cottons, and iron from Europe tains the mininums and the specific duties. I in excharge for our cotton, rice, and tobacco

; bave already stated at large my objection to and when we bring them into our own markets this feature in the bill, and will not now repeat for sale in competition with similar articles, the what I then said. I will only bere add, as an fruits of our labor and capital are subjected to a additional objection, that the minimums and discriminating tax of from 40 to 50 per cent. specific duties create a perpetually increasing for the benefit of the labor and capital of our tax on the articles embraced by them. It re northern brethren. This we believe to be sub. quires no argument to show that a tax of eight stantially a tax on the industry of the south, and cents a yard on cottons costing 16 cents, which a bounty to the industry of the north. It is not is a tax of only 50 per cent., becomes 100 per my present purpose, Šir, said Mr. H., to en. cent. when the article is reduced to 8 cents; large on this topic, which I have endeavored

, and such reductions have, for years past, been on a former occasion, to explain and enforce going on, as we all know, in relation to every but if there be any truth in the article included under the minimum principle. furnishes an insuperable objection to this bill, I regard the recognition of this odious prin- which is so arranged as to throw the entire ciple, in the bill now before the Senate, as a burden of taxtion on the protected articles lasting establishment of the prohibitory system while the unprotected articles are to be ado in this country. The minimums on cottons was mitted duty free. We have always insisted at first introduced for the purpose of encour- that while duties on the unprotected articles

, aging the production of coarse cottons. We being generally articles of luxury, operate with are told that it has been completely successful; perfect equalitly on all parts of the country

, that it is no longer necessary to protection, and the duties on the protected articles, not only yet the system is maintained inviolate, because, operate most unequally upon the different see as gentlemen insist, it has no operation. The tions and the different interests, but that they minimums, then, are to be introduced to build are also of the

nature of a double tax-first on up a manufacture, and are to be retained to the imported article, and next by enhancing establish a monopoly; for, if gentlemen refuse the price of the domestic article. We have to abolish them in relation to coarse cottons, we heard a good deal of the efforts that have been can never, hereafter, expect to have them abol. made to relieve the complaints of the south

. ished in any case whatever.

The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Clar) de Another and most insuperable objection to lares, that no man would go further than he this bill is, that it raises an amount of revenue would, to remove those complaints, though he greatly exceeding the wants of the Govern. believes them to be wholly groundless. Sin ment. This fact I shall fully establish in ano- the gentleman has frequently made similar de ther part of my argument, but for the present, clarations during the present session. As to assuming it to be uncontrovertible, I object to the gentleinan's friendly disposition, I hire the scheme because it necessarily leads to ex- nothing to say; but I am bound to say to him travagant expenditures—to appropriations for in perfect candor, that I have no evidence of uncenstitutional purposes-lo a disgraceful such disposition in his acts. How far be may scramble for the public money, and to an inju- be disposed to go, I know not; but be certain. rious dependence on the part, as well of the ly has not advanced one step-no, not one inch States as of the people, on the Federal Govern. in furtherance of his declared object

. ment. It violates the cardinal principles of Sir, this bill holds out no relief to the south. our system, and must, in the end, corrupt the We have never uttered one word of complaint whole country and endanger our free institu- against the duties on the unprotected articles ; tions.

they were imposed for revenue ; and to any

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fair and equal revenue system we do not ob-posed in 1828, a reduction at least of from 20 TREE ject. Our complaints have been levelled against to 30 per cent. on every article paying specific

the duties imposed, not for revenue, but for duties is indispensable. Since 1828, there elimu protection. And gentlemen, gravely,' pro- bas been a considerable reduction in the prices ? Et pose to redress our grievances by taking off of all the articies embraced in our tariff; a re

all the revenue duties, and leaving the protect-duction which is progressively going on; and it teze ing duties untouched. Sir, as to the mighty requires no argument to show that every re

bood conferred, försooth, by a low duty on ne duction of price operates as an increase of the gro cloth and coarse blankets, I have only to duty. The duties under the act of 1828, are, say that gentlemen seem entirely to misunder. therefore, much higher now than they were stand the character of the southern people ; when that act was imposed. As an illustration they treat us like spoiled children, to be bribed of this branch of the subject, I will call the with sugar plumbs, pleased with a rattle, tick, attention of the Senate to the fact, that when a led with a loy. But what are the grounds of duty of $30 a ton was imposed on rolled iron it our complaints ? Is it that we pay a high tax cosi eleven pounds sterling, so that the rate of upon a few articles of negro clothing? No, Sir, duty on the article was then 59 per cent.; but it is because every article which we receive the same duty now on such iron at the present from abroad, in exchange for our productions, reduced price would be 167 per cent., making is enormously taxed; it is because duties to the a difference of 108 per cent. It is proposed amount of from 40 to 50 per cent. on $40,- to reduce the duty from $37 to $30 per ton, 000,000, of our importations, procured by south but $30 at existing prices is a much higher duty ern industry, are imposed as a bounty to the than 37 dollars in 1828. The same thing is true industry of a more favored section of the Uni- of cottons under the minimum price of 35 on, that we have called in question the Justice, cents. And every one must know that 16 certs the policy, and the right of imposing on us, a the square yard on flannels which may be bad system absolutely fatal to our prosperity. And for 12 cents, is a much

higher duty than 22 cents what is the amount of this mighty boon to the a square yard at the former prices of 18 or 20 south? According to an estimate which I hold cents; so that every gentleman will perceive at in my hand, the negro cloth, covered by the once, that in taking the tariff of 1828 as the low duty under this bill, will amount to about standard for this bill, the duties will be conside. $239,600 ; coarse blankets, under 75 cents, to rably increased beyond what they were when about $100,000; the saving on which two are that act was passed. The truth is, Mr. Presiticles would just amount to $112,000; and the dent, that there has been a considerable fall in share of South Carolina would be just about the price of all manufactured articles, not only $10,000 ; a sum quite suficient, no doubt, in in this country, but in Europe and throughout the estimation of gentlemen, to bribe her to an the world. No mistake can be greater than to acquiescence in the American system. suppose that this has been produced by the ese

I have, Sir, still another objection to this tablishment of manufactures in this country. bill ; it introduces new and oppressive features It is perfectly absurd to say that the introduce in the protecting system. Woollens of every tion of cotton manufactures in this country, for description are to be subjected to cash duties; instance, to an amount equal to two or three per while other articles are to be entitled to cent, on the cotton manufactures of Great Bri. credits of 3 and 6 months. Why this discrimi- tain,could reduce the value of the whole of the nation? Is there any reason or justice in it? latter'one half; and yet we know that the cotton Can there be any object in it, but to discou- manufactures of England have actually fallen rage the importation of woollens, and to open 50 per cent in the price. The truth is

, that a door to a system of discriminating duties, by this reduction in prices has fallen indiscrimi. which particular articles may be excluded by nately on all articles, protected and unprotectoppressive regulations, at the discretion of ed; and has resulted from general causes, in Congress. I object, Sir, likewise, must point-operation to a certain extent all over the world; edly, to the diminution of the credits, the only such as changes in the currency, improvements effect of which, as it seems to me, will be to n machinery, and a diminution in the wages of embarrass commerce-lessen the capital em- iobor. I hold in my hand, Sir, said Mr. H., an ployed in trade—and cripple the commercial official document, 'showing the extent of the resources of the country. It will moreover, to reduction of prices of manufactured goods of a great extent, thro.v the trade into the hands every description in Great Britain, between the of the wealthy capitalist, and do an irreparable years 1811 and 1829; an examination of which injury to the small importer, the retail deal. will satisfy gentlemen of the true state of the er. Nor can it escape our notice that by this case. Mr. Harne here read from the table the bill, now and inquisitorial powers have been following abstract. Sranted to the appraisers. '

MANUFACTURES AND PRODUCE OF GREAT I come now, Sir, to the last point on which I

BRITAIN. propose to touch--the true character and prac-Years

. Official value. Declared or ao

Relative tical effects of this bill. We are about to ar

proportion range a permanent system of revenue adapted 1811 £21,723,532 £30,850,618 100-141 to a state of profound peace, after the total ex- 1829 £55,465,723 £35,212,873 100_-64 tinction of the public debt. To establish a On the whole, equal to about 45 per cent. rea rate of duties now, no higher than those im-duction.

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Estimated amhet


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of the articles embraced in the above tables, nominally, $6,416,016, but, in fact

, not more it further appears, Sir, that the cotton manu-than two millions and a half, ($4,665,750 of the factures have fallen

55 per cent. said amount having been already reduced by Woollen do


the acts of 1830.) Linen

So far, therefore, as the unprotected articles Silk do


are embraced in this "statement," it cannot e! And I hardly think, said Mr. A., that any one course be made the basis of our calculations, will seriously contend that these reductions in because, as any one will see, who will look #2 prices in England have been produced by Ame- that statement, it gives siz millions as the 3rican competition!!

mount to be reduced on these articles; whereas Let us now, Mr. President, examine the last four millions of that amount bad already been and I must think, an insuparable objection to this taken off from salt, coffee, cocoa, molasses and bill. I mean its effect upon the revenue. teas, under the act of May, 1830, and of course From an attentive examination of its provssions cannot be considered as furnishing any part of I am perfectly satisfied that it makes no reduc- the present duties to be reduced under any bill to tion whatever on the entire class of protected ar. be now passed. But so far as the protected Efcles, and that wbatever reduction is to be ef. articles are concerned, I presume there can be fected by it, must be produced only by the no objection to our proceeding on the basis of abolition of the duties on the unprotected arti. the Treasury statement, no reduction of the cles. I will go further, and state my convic- duties on these articles having taken place tion that, on the protected articles, the aggre. since 1828. gate of the duties would be increased, and not The whole amount of reduction proposed diminished, by this bill. This I will endeavor from the present duties by the plan of the sc. toskow, not by instituting a comparison be- cretary of the Treasury, was as follows, viz: tween the bill as it came from the other House,

Proposed and as it now stands, but by comparing it with Protected articles $15,935,734 $3,731,979

of daties. the tariff of 1828.


Unprotected articles 8,627,970 Mr. President, I do not profess to be very Free articles skilful in figures, nor can I rely entirely on the (partly of each)

1,135,357 1,135,357 accuracy of calculations which have been very hastily made. I have looked into the provi. sions of this bill, however, as carefully as the

$25,699,061 1810,880,101 shortness of the time would permit, and to sa

Now, by the bill before the Senate, a sum

xceeding the tisfy myself that I have fallen into no material reduction on the protected articles as above

ole amount of the proposed errors, have consulted several persons on mentioned, is stricken out, while on the unprowhose accuracy I have the most entire reli- tected articles there is added to the proposed re. ance; one of them a gentleman of high charac. duction of the

Treasury Department the fole ter and a skilful accountant; now a member of lowing items, viz: the other House. All of these gentlemen have On tea and coffee, (now made free) concurred in the general result that the bill, as

a further reduction of

8337,251 it came from the House, and much more as it now stands, actually increases the existing desa * This is explained as follows: By the Trea ties on the protected articles, to an amount va- sury statement, the amount of the reduction riously estimated at from half a million to a on the following articles is stated as follows, com million and a half of dollars. To me,

however, timated on the duties in force prior to 1830.said Mr. H., it would, I confess, be compara- viz: tively unimportant whether this bill is to effect a reduction of a few hundred thousand dollars Salt,

$806, 127 on the protected articles, as contended for by


2,316,971 the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Wi


51,649 STER,) or is to increase the duty by an equal

Molasses, amount. Nothing short of a substantial reduce tion; a reduction to the fair revenue standard, would have been at all satisfactory to me; a few hundred thousand dollars, more or less, But of this amonnt, 4,665,750 dollars had in adjusting a revenue of twenty-five or thirty been already reduced, under the acts of 20th millions being of very little importance in my and 29th of May, 1830, viz: on estimation. But let us see how the fact stands!


$537,414 The amount of the present duties on the pro Coffee,

2,059,529 tected articles, according to a calculation which


26,324 I hold in my hand, founded on the “ COMPARATIVE STATEMENT" submitted to Congress from the Treasury on the 8th May last, is $15,000,000--of this amount it was proposed by the

4,665,750 Treasury scheme to take off taxes from the † of this sum $4,665,750 being already reprotected articles to the amount of $3,674,537. duced, as abovementioned, leaves the amount While of the unprotected articles, amounting of actual reduction, $6,416,016. Some arti

. to about $9,000,000, he proposed to take off,cles unimportant in amount are here omitted.



Proposed reductian.


418,707 2,821,562



418,707 1,623,746



Wines and silks estimated at 1,100,000 ted, leather, gilt,
Other small articles

50,0001 brass, pewter,

leaden wares, do.

$1,487,851 of wood and mar. To which add the utmost possible

358,188 59,273 reduction on such articles under

Mr. McLane's bill, say


stone ware

276,993 25,181 GLASS WARE

$3,987,251 And we have

124,097 24,502

COTTON BAGGING making together a reduction on the unprotect

24,030 10,321 ed articles of ahnut four millions. #


2,673,558 445,574

Now if it were true that there was an actual

1,074,829 806, 127 Wool

80,064 64,397 reduction on the protected articles of $500,000 as alleged, (instead of an increase, as I believe,


1,031,348 no reduction

Coal of at least $1,000,000,) I again ask, would such

98,408 no reduction a pitiful reduction as this afford any compensa.


100,557 no reduction tion for this glaring inequality of taxation, in

Leghorn bats

179,736 81,699 respect to the protected and unprotected arti. cles. Whatever might be the opinions of oth

$15,089,635 $3,400,441 ers, for myself I would say, I should consider

Add the following articles proposed to be such a reduction as amounting to nothing. I

admitted duty free:

$4,376 $4,376 am far from admitting, however, thal there is actually a reduction of half a million, or any Bolting cloths

Hair cloths

8,360 8,360 reduction at all, on the protected articles. I

1,566 1,566 do firmly believe, and will attempt to show, that


51,837 51,837 the whole amount of taxes on these articles had Brass in plates

1,750 1,750 Tin in do

4,429 4,429 been considerably increased. To prove this, I will now enter into a brief examination of the


185,347 185,347

orks provisions of this bill, and compare them with

16,467 16,467 the existing law. He would take as the basis

$15,363,767 $3,674,537 of his calculations "the comparative statement", before allded to. Here is an account made up mentioned, paying duties to the amount of

It thus appears, that of the articles above with some care from this comparative statement. It had been carefully corrected by an accurate $15,383,767, it was proposed by the

Secretary accountant, and I have no doubt that it is suffi. of the Treasury to take of taxes to the amount ciently correct for all practical purposes.

of $3,674,537. Now how stands the biil bePROTECTED ARTICLES, viz., such as come in-fore the Senate ia reference to those very arti.

cles. Let us see: to competition with articles made or produced in the United States.

Woollens, no redution, duty increased by Amount of du. Amount pro

ties in 1830.

posed to be Cottons, no reduction, but duty increased
iaken off by $111,661.

Iron manufactures, and bar, rolled, and steel, 'WOOLLENS of all de

no reduction, duties increased' by $140,912. scriptions $2,626,261 $1,220, 670). Hemp and Flax, manufactures of, no reduc. COTTONS

3,381,358 Iron manufactured 1,047,935 125,394: Leaden, wooden, japanned, and tinware, &c. Do. BAR, rolled,

(see list above,) no reduction, increased amount hammered, and

unknown. steel

985,747 183,694 Porcelain china and earthenware, no reduc. Hemp and Flar,

tion. manufactures of, 1,026,526 93,321 Glassware, no reduction. JAPANNED tin, pla

Cotton bagging,a reduction nearly nominal.

Cordage, &c. no reduction. To show that the amount of the reduction Sugar, no reduction. of the duties on the unprotected articles is not Salt, no reduction. here undenated, reference is made to the re Spirits, no reduction. port of the Secretary of the Treasury, made Coal, no reduction. to the Senate on the 18th April, which (after Paper, no reduction. correcting an error in summing ap) shows that Leghorn and other hats, no reduction, the whole reduction in such articles under Mr. Quills, hair-cloths, quicksilver, brass and tip Dickerson's bill, was only $1,668,016 in plates, indigo, corks, musical instruments, (See Senate's Doc. 125.)

yarn, and a variety of other articles, no reduce Add further reduction as above 1,487,251 tion. To which may be added cash duties, di

minished credits, and change in the pound And we have only $3,152,267 sterling, operating on the great mass of our imoas the probable amount of reduction under the ports to the amount of from 11 to 13 per cent. present bill on the unprotected articles. These articles, with the exception of the


260,288 lion.

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