for the offices of President and Vice President a pretty severe kicking they gave him; but of the United States, will meet with the con- some of them compensated for former kicks, currence of a large majority of the freemen of by the grossest adulation and subserviency, this State. I have the honor to be The Hon. PHILIP P. BARBOUR. FRESCATI, Júly 6, 1832. DEAR SIR: I have received your letter of the 28th ultimo, enclosing the proceedings of the convention, which lately met at Raleigh, and which did me the honor of nominating me as Vice President of the United States. and he has now taken them to his bosom as his best friends To the honor of both par ties, it may be said that his most violent enemies have become his most devoted partisans from-interest; and many of his old friends have become lukewarm, if not his enemies-fromprinciple. The Intelligencer has discovered that South Carolina is in earnest, and that she intends to nullify the tariff!! and exclaims, "We almost fear that they are too much committed to halt in their career, when all is conceded that they I feel a deep sense of obligation to my fellow. first thought of asking, viz. a reduction of citizens of North Carolina, for this decided proof duties to the wants of the Government, after of their good opinion and confidence. law." paying the public debt" and has the unblushing It affords me much gratification to perceive impudence to add "This concession has been that my political course has met their approba- made by the bill which has so hoppily become a tion. It is one which I have pursued from a thorough conviction, that it was correct in prin"The wants of the Government" is an equiciple; that it was in true accord with the com- vocal term, and had it not been qualified by pact which binds the States together; and, in the assertion, that a reduction of the duties to the short, that it was only one, which, by restrain- wants of the Government was all that the south ing the Federal and State Governments within asked in the first instance, the conducters of their respective spheres, would avoid those col-that print might escape by saying, that, in lisions so calculated to endanger the harmony of their opinion, the Government wants the our Union, and the happiness of our common 22 millions which it is conceded will be country. It adds to the gratification, that there raised under the bill which has so happily were three of your body who had been actors passed!!" with me in public affairs; one of whom was a But the south understands the "wants of the tried public servant when I first entered upon Government" in another sense. They refer to the political theatre to act my part, and with the the times when the average current expendiothers of whom I have served in more modern ture of the Government was about eight miltimes. The evidence of such men is, in some lions, and they will not be content until the taxsort, like the verdict of a jury from the vicin-es are reduce to something like the same sum. age. I am happy, too, in receiving the assurance" But," says the Intelligencer, "we hear of of the concurrence of a large majority of the free- Gov. Hamilton proclaiming that a great battle men of your State. To you, who know me, I feel is to be fought on the banks of the Potomac," that I may, in the expectation of full credence, which that print has the modesty to interpret say that there dwells in my bosom no thirst for of into a battle of "blood and carnage," and comfice, no longing after political advancement, forts its readers by asserting that South Caroli and that I value this spontaneous, this unsolicit. na "will find no support from any other State." ed honor done me by your State much more for the evidence it bears of the estimation of that portion of my countrymen, than I do for any tendency which it may have towards my official promotion, even if success were certain. With sincere esteem, P. P. BARBOUR. Hon. JAMES IREDELL, General Jackson.-May he trample on the No one knows better than these wily editors, that Gov. Hamilton referred to the battle in Congress on the subject of the tariff-no one knows better than these editors do, that no one in South Carolina anticipates a civil war. The nullifiers look to the interposition of the State as a peaceful and legitimate mode of arresting the unequal operation of the tariff; and relying on this exercise of the reserved rights of the State, they do not ask for aid from any other State, except it be, that each State, within its own jurisdiction, shall likewise maintain its own political powers. But why does the Intelligencer new misrep resent the object and tendency of nullification? What object has that print to persevere in this course? We have some facts in reserve upon this point. The above was a volunteer toast given at a 4th of July dinner at Richmond. The Jackson inen of Virginia have not yet got their cue. The Enquirer has been rather negligent, or we should not have seen such a toast by a Jackso- But how, we ask, is nullification to lead to nian. Mr. R. could have told him a tale worth disunion? If South Carolina says that the law two of that. What! kick the Cobbs of Geor- is unconstitutional, and declares that, to engia! They are the truest, best friends of the force it within her territorial limits, is treason "greatest and best." They kicked him, and against the State, will such a declaration, on her part, in its execution, by her judiciary and her juries, be an act of war or of rebellion Will that be treason against the United States? or will it be disunion? now cease. All their predictions in relation to General Jackson's attacking the tariff in detail, and insidiously cutting up the principle of protection by the roots, had been falsified. He We will ask, further, if such a declaration had done nothing in reference to it, which had by South Carolina, and its prosecution by her not now the sanction Mr. Clay's vote to supjuries and her judiciary, will authorise the Pre-port it." sident to blockade her port of Charleston? In Such is the explanation which Mr. Breathitt, what part of our statute will be found such au- who is a decided partisan of the administration, thority? The President does not claim the pow-gives to General Jackson's "judicious tariff." er to blockade the Malays; will he claim the right The term is further explained by the fact that to enact a civil war? It is well to look into the the expenditure under the administration of statute book for the authority, and to trace the Mr. Monroe, was from eight to ten millions per consequences, before gentlemen render them-annum. The expenditure of the present year selves ridiculous,, But we anticipate that we is admitted to be upwards of nineteen millions. shall be told that Congress will give the pow-Thus it appears that a reduction of the revenue er-that Congress will enforce the collection down to the wants of the Government, means of the revenue at the point of the bayonet! raising the expenditure up to the amount of the We do not believe that Congress will do any revenue. This is an easy mode of adjusting such thing. All that South Carolina asks is a the tariff. But it remains to be seen whether convention of the States, to adjust the ques-the Stevensons, the Archers, and the Speights tion of power; and he must really delight in of the south, can prevail on the honest farmers "blood and carnage," who supposes that Con- and planters to believe that it is "judicious." gress will enter into a civil war in preference We ask every southern man to examine for to calling a convention. But we say, that, for himself, and ask himself what we have to gain ourselves, we are prepared for either alterna-by throwing up our caps and huzzaing for Antive, and that, in either case, we are with South drew Jackson, when he is using all his influ. Carolina. So long as there is hope, we will wield our pen; when that ceases we will, but not until then, adopt the sword. If she is to be sacrificed, the tyrant will be met on the banks of the Potomac, and many, very many are the sons of her sister States who will rally beneath her standard. We say to her gallant sons, go on; yours is the cause of liberty, and the eyes of all her votaries are upon you! We did not suppose that any partisan of General Jackson, would have the boldness to assert that the late tariff bill had reduced the "duties down to the wants of the Government." But we find in the Louisville Advertiser, the following comment on a speech made by Mr. Breathitt, the Jackson candidate for Governor of Kentucky. "Upon the Tariff, but few observations were submitted. The Col. remarked that he could not do less than congratulate his country upon the settlement of this vexatious and threatning question. "A judicious tariff," had at length been established; one which, while it lightened the burdens of the people, also preserved safe the principle of protection. ence to fasten on us this odious and oppressive system as a permanent measure? He and Mr. Clay are now united in policy; there is no difference between them, except that General Jackson uses the patronage of the Government to divide and weaken the south. He professes friendship to betray. We must cease our senseless adulations, or we will cease to be free! The year 1769 is remarkable for the birth of many illustrious men. Napoleon, Wellington, Walter Scott, Schiller, Cuvier, Chateaubriand, and Canning, were born in that year, when the star of intellect must have been in its zenith. The most distinguished warriors, naturalists, poets, and statesmen of the age were born in the same year, and, with the excep. tion of Chateaubriand, none were of exalted family.-Pennsylvanian. The Pennsylvanian might have added to the above the names of Lord Liverpool and Lord Castlereagh, the most inveterate and constant political opponents of Napoleon. THE SUBSCRIPTION OF THE GLOBE. The editor of the Globe was lately taunting "In this, the policy of the administration the editor of the National Intelligencer about and the oft-repeated and earnest recommenda. its subscription list, and boasting of its own. tions of the Executive, had been fully sustained Little credit was given at the time to the article by the representatives of the people. He re- in the Globe, but we are inclined to think that marked that he was much gratified to discover, it had much better foundation than most of its that Mr. Clay himself, although lingering long articles. More credit would have been attachat the threshold, had finally been proselyteded to it at the time, had it then been known, and joined the Republican party and the Presi- what now is undeniably the case, that high and dent, in this great work of relieving the people responsible officers of the Government, under from the oppressive weight of taxation under the immediate eye of the Executive, and no which they had been suffering since the war. doubt with his consent and approbation, were In this Mr. Clay had become a Jackson man-devoting that time which ought to be employ. he had voted for the tariff recommended by the in the business of their office, in writing circuPresident, and upon this subject, at least, he lars soliciting subscriptions and money for the thought the clamor of the opposition should Globe. RENUNCIATIONS. of how completely the judgment may be We are informed that Governor Pitcher, M. blended with personal dislike. We can attriC. from Washington County, avows himself bute to nothing but a dislike of Mr. Calhoun, now decidedly opposed to the re-election of the very anomalous political principles exAndrew Jackson; that he is a decided Clay pressed above by Mr. Crawford. He is opman; and that unless another electoral ticket posed to Nullification, and for a "Convenshould be nominated, he shall vote for that al- tion to revise the Federal Constitution." Is ready before the public. He says no honora- it possible that Mr. Crawford can be serious? ble man could have stayed at Washingtonth e Can there be any man serious in making or last winter, and not been convinced of the ut- hinting at such a proposition. "To revise the ter incompetency of Andrew Jackson for the Federal Constitution." And for what? Unsituation he now fills.-Albany Daily Adv. questionably to take away from Congress the We learn from good authority that Mr. Rus- power, if they have the power, to pass a prosell, the representative in Congress from Ad-tecting tariff, and to declare that they have not ams county, has renounced his Jacksonism. that power. This must be one of the purposes He frankly acknowledges his error in hereto- for which a convention is to be called, as it is fore supporting Jackson.-Hamilton (Ohio) In. on account of the excitement produced by the tariff, and the measures likely to be pursued THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. relative thereto, that gave birth to the sentiment An extra from the office of the Utica Sentinel expressed by Mr. Crawford. What possibility is and Gazette, contains the first day's proceed there of a Convention being called without a ings of the Convention, which convened in that first resort to Nullification? It is because the city on Wednesday. One hundred delegates minority, who are oppressed, cannot obtain a were present, representing thirty-four counties. convention to revise the federal constitution Ambrose Spencer, of Albany, was chosen Pre- by any other means, that they would resort to sident; Francis Bloodgood, of Albany, Samuel Nullification as a means of compelling the Townsend, Latham A. Burrows and Daniel majority to call a convention. It requires Kellogg, Vice Presidents; and William Ed- two thirds of both Houses of Congress. Will monds, John H. Ostrom, and Oran Follet, Se- they ever call a convention to take away from them what they call their vital interests? No. It is nonsense to suppose it. cretaries. A committee of sixteen, two from each Senate District, was appointed to "report to the Two thirds of the legislatures of the States Convention the names of suitable persons to be may call a convention, but have we hope of supported as candidates for Governor, Lieute- that? We may, under the present state of feel. nant Governor, and Electors of President and ing in the country, consider it as a moral imposVice President, and are address and resolutions sibility. sent." expressive of the sense of the Convention, and of We confess we are surprised at Mr. Crawthe views of that portion of the people of this ford's idea of what constitutes "Treason State whom they were delegated to repre- against the Union." According to his view of the subject, measures may be taken, "tending A committee was also appointed to report to a dissolution of the Union," without being "A Plan of Political Oganization of the State," "treason against the Union." But if the same &c. The convention then adjourned until the measures are taken "before an attempt at confollowing morning. vention," it is treason. It would puzzle a Philadelphia lawyer, (as they used to say when Philadelphia lawyers had more accumen than they have now,) to understand the reason of the difference. According to this doctrine, whoever may wish to separate the States, has VAN BUREN MOVEMENTS. only to make an attempt at a convention, and We see it stated in several journals that then their measures are no longer to be conJudge Marcy and Isaac Hill were at Harrisburg sidered as "treason to the Union." The Union tarrying some days. Simultaneously appeared party of the south, are neither helping their the resolutions at Philadelphia to abandon all own párty, nor the cause of the south, by such State preferences, and rally around the national crude, indigested and untenable sentiments. democratic ticket." The Sentinel and the Gazette states that the numbers and respectability of the convention "surpassed the most flattering anticipations of its friends.-N. Y. American. Wm. H. Crawford.-At the celebration of the 4th instant, at Milledgeville, this once very distinguished man, being an invited guest, gave the following sentiment: It may be, that Mr. C. used the words "treason against the Union," metaphorically, and not echnically, as meaning treason against the United States. In that case, we confess our ut ter inability to understand the point of the sentiment. It means nothing. "A convention to revise the Federal Consti- If, however, it be taken in the sense that it tution-The first measure preparatory to a se- generally will be, we must enter our protest paration from the tariff States: Any measure against it. It would make treasonable every tending to a dissolution of the Union, before endeavor to procure a repeal of an unconstitu an attempt at a Convention, is treason against tional or oppressive law, that might, by possi indefinite is this word tend? It may mean any bility, tend to a separation of the States. the Union." The above sentiment affords another evidence llos thing or nothing. Meetings of the people, of the principles which brought them into pow. and harrangues before them on the oppressive er; of a degree of hypocrisy and duplici'y which nature of the laws, might tend to a separation. awakens a blush on the face of every man who Laws passed by a State legislature, in direct supported them, not from a blind and slavish opposition to laws of the United States, might devotion to men, but from an attachment to the so tend. See laws of Georgia relative to the principles which they believed to be connected Cherokees; resolutions of the State legislature with the purity and dignity of our political inthat the State will not obey the mandates of stitutions. the Supreme Court, might tend to a separation of the State. Surely Mr. Crawford will not say these acts are treason against the Union. But it appears that there are one or two clerks in Mr. Kendall's office who do not sing hosannas to the powers that be, and their chief's exertions in the "good cause," are necessary to counteract the efforts of his subalterns! and the THE BABBLING POLITICIAN. The Globe of Tuesday, in an article written Globe thinks him not only justified in doing so, by the Fourth Auditor himself, endeavors to but declares that those who oppose Jackson are palliate, if not to justify Mr. Kendall, for ming." unfit to be trusted" in office. ling in the present political contest, to promote get the letter to the editor of this paper from F. P. Blair, at Lexington? Both Blair and Kendall not only know their assertions to be false on this point, but, also, that the public know it. AN IMPORTANT SIGN. There is another declaration in the article of the election of his patron, contrary to the rules the Globe which manifests the most hardened which he laid down for himself and his clerks, impudence and disregard of truth. It says Mr. in his letter to the editor of the Baltimore Pat- Kendall has inflexibly refused to receive letters riot. The burden of the defence is, that it was for others "under cover to him." Does he foronly a private letter to one of his friends in Kentucky; that Mr. Clay did as bad by writing a private letter on politics, in 1828; and that there are "one or two" clerks in Kendall's office at this time, who are not only opposed to Gen. Jackson, but who have the boldness to It appears that in the city of Philadelphia manifest their feelings in bar-rooms and other If all the facts stated in the there is a call for a public meeting, signed by public places. apology were true, still the defence would be 1500 citizens, natives of Ireland, opposed to miserably impotent; and instead of satisfying the re-election of General Jackson! We all the public, as to the propriety of his conduct, recollect the unanimity with which this geneis calculated to arouse the contempt and indig-rous and confiding class of our citizens supnation of every honorable friend even of Gen. ported Gen. Jackson, in 1828; and when we Jackson. But is it an isolated, occasional pri- consider their characteristic abhorrence of vate letter, written to a friend? No! It bears treachery, deception, and ingratitude, we need the impress of an organized plan, to force the not be surprised that they are now among the Executive influence into "every neighborhood foremost to manifest the honest feelings of disin the country," to affect the approaching elec. gust and disappointment which the President's tions. We have already presented the circular course to those early friends and republican of the Commissioner of the Land Office to Ohio, principles that bore him into office, have in which the same motives are assigned, and the awakened in their bosoms. The "Irish Shield," same results anticipated, and couched in almost a highly talented paper, has come out boldly the same languge. So closely do the circulars and decidedly in opposition to Gen. Jackson," of the Auditor and Commissioner resemble each IRISH ANTI-JACKSONISM. other, that every impartial man who examines We alluded yesterday, to a call for a public them is forced to conclude that they spring meeting of the natives of Ireland, citizens of from the same source, and that, instead of be- Philadelphia, who have abandoned General ing the accidental effusion of private feeling, Jackson, in order to maintain their democratic they are the result of a matured system of elec- principles. The papers of to-day contain the tioneering. The letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crit call, with the signatures appended. The Unitenden, in 1828, furnishes not the shadow of apo ted States Gazette says, it received a large numlogy for Mr. Kendall. Mr. Clay was guilty nei- ber of names too late for publication, and that ther of inconsistency nor hypocrisy. He made only one Irishman in Manayunk refused to sign no hollow, popularity-hunting proclamations, it. About two thousand names are already pubwhen he entered on the duties of the State Delished, besides those which came too late. partment; he did not, publicly, announce his Coincidence. The above meeting is to be horror of "babbling politicians," and his settled holden on Monday next, the birth day of Dandetermination to exclude every thing but offi-iel O'Connell; a patriot who has done more to cial duty from the Department over which he promote the cause of civil liberty, to prostrate presided; besides, in his inaugural address, Mr. despotism, and banish misrule and corruption, Adams had made no hypocritical pretensions to than, perhaps, any other man living. purity, and advanced no principles of action, to be afterwards belied by every act of his admin Gen. FINDLAY, of Ohio, has declined being istration. He and Mr. Clay both declared their a candidate for re-election in the House of Reprinciples, and acted up to them; but General presentatives of the United States, of which Jackson, and the kitchen cabinet, by a singular he has for several years been a member.fatality, are daily convicted of gross violations Baltimore Patriot. : The Globe asserts that "Branch and Green, sonism, we would have entered the lists; and and many others most decidedly hostile to the having done so, would have dared to do all President, were the active instruments in try- that duty demands of us; but he is the humble ing to get up a Jackson ticket with Mr. Bar-disciple of Jackson; he is a competitor with bour's name on it, to defeat the wishes of the the Globe, in servile adulation to the head of great body of the Jackson party throughout the that party; and, although he may be sincere in Union." all that he says, his adulation bears so much It was our intention, in publishing the article the appearance of a propitiation, that we canfrom the Globe, to have commented on this not consent to be placed in the list of his suppart; but it was prevented by an accidental porters. interruption. That comment is due to ourselves and to truth. too. We are aware that Judge Barbour has many ardent admirers; that he is, in many reThe nomination of Mr. Barbour upon the spects, far above either of his competitors for Jackson ticket, never received our approbation. the office to which he has been nominated by So far from having a tendency to defeat the his friends; and it is but justice to ourselves to wishes of the Jackson party, we foresaw that say, that we prefer him to either Mr. Van Bu its tendency would be to strengthen the Jack ren or Mr. Sergeant; but we are by no means son party. Gen. Jackson is indebted for his certain that the great interest of the south will popularity in Pennsylvania to the accidental be promoted by his election. The great quescircumstance of the rivalry between Shulze tion of constitutional liberty is to be decided and Greigg, in 1823. The local parties being within the next four years. Is Mr. Barbour nearly balanced, one huzzaed for Jackson, and with the south? Or does he not belong to that thus compelled the other to huzza for Jackson class of southern politicians, who would form So it is in all the States where a Barbour the nucleus around which Ritchie, and his allies Jackson ticket is run against a Van Buren Jack-of the kitchen cabinet would rally, with much son ticket. more effect than they could on Mr. Van Buren? Again, Mr. Barbour never was, in our opi- We prefer Mr. Barbour to Mr. Van Buren, nion, a man equal to these times. We, for our- because we believe him to be more honest, selves, much prefer that the contest should be and patriotic; but we are unwilling to enbetween Jackson and Clay, and between Van list as his partisan in the present contest, be Buren and Sargeant. When we understood cause, so far from giving an assurance that be that Mr. Barbour had made his consent to be will stand by the south in the approaching put in nomination as a candidate for the Vice struggle, every indication, pointing to his fuPresidency, to depend upon the effect it might ture course, satisfies us, that whatever may be be supposed, by such men as Thomas Ritchie, his opinions on the great question of constitu & Co., to have on Gen. Jackson's re-election, our tional power, he is under the control of cir. mind was made up. We have already learnt, to cumstances, and may become, as Gen. Jackour cost, how dangerous it is to give to public son has done, the instrument of dividing the men a reputation for virtue and disinterested south, and thus do much more than Mr. Vas patriotism, which they do not deserve. The Buren or Mr. Clay could do to enslave the rumor that Judge Barbour stands ready to catch south. Judge Marshall's old shoes, may not be well No. We were not an active instrument in founded; but that letter and his late deifica- trying to get up a Jackson ticket with Mr. Bartion of Jackson, as connected with it, confirm bour's name upon it. Had Mr. Barbour been the misgivings which have heretofore prevent- presented as the rallying point of principleed us from feeling any solicitude in his behalf. had his friends in Virginia nominated an indeWe wish to be distinctly understood: as be-pendent ticket, pledged to maintain Virginia tween Gen. Jackson and Mr. Clay we are the principles; and had Mr. Barbour maintained partisans or advocates of neither. We are de his own motives above suspicion, he would cidedly opposed to the measures and policy of have found us doing all in our power to proboth, and expect to be decidedly in opposition mote his success. But we never have believ to either, let the choice of the people fall on ed that the play was worth the candle, and, whom it may. Although thus situated, we have therefore, never have permitted our feelings to an important duty to perform. It is to maintain, be enlisted in the contest. We would preas corps de reserve, an influence which shall pre-fer Mr. Ellmaker to either, next Mr. Barvent Mr. Clay, should he be elected, from car-bour; but we have made up our mind to take rying out the dangerous heresies of the Ameri- either Mr. Sergeant or Mr. Van Buren, caring can system; or to prevent General Jackson, but little which. If Mr. Van Buren comes in, should he be elected, from trampling on the by the grace of Gen. Jackson, we will then Constitution, and appointing Mr. Van Buren see whether we are slaves, to be transferred as his successor. This being our position, we as such. We look to the Senate as the theatre feel a comparative indifference in the result of in which the fate of the republic is to be decidthe approaching election. Had Mr. Barbour ded, anl, for ourselves, we shall be content to placed himself boldly and upon principle, in see the issue fairly joined; to see Mr. Van opposition either to Mr. Clay or Mr. Van Bu- Buren at the head of his venal followers. He ren-had he been selected as the head of a will be then met, and vanquished. He wil great party, rallied for the purpose of rescu- then be made responsible for the measures of ing the Constitution from Clayism or from Jack-his party. His intrigues will be exposed, and |