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course, awakens all the sensibilities of my heart; then, am I to ascribe it, that, under these cirand clearly proves that nothing is wanting in a cumstances, should I receive such a decisive public man, but integrity and political fidelity, manifestation of confidence and good opinion, to ensure him the most desirable of all rewards, as would almost have exceeded my must santhe good opinion and confidence of his country- guine expectations, even if it had come from

those whom I number amongst my neighbors, With sentiments of esteem for yourselves, my acquaintances, my friends? Gentlemen, it is individually, I remain your obedient servant, a tribute not so much to any merit of mine, as to

P.P. BARBOUR. those principles which you profess, in common To Messrs. Champ Carter, Arthur B. Da- with me. It is not the man, but the doctrines, vies, &c. &c.

to which you pay respect. It is, in part, the On the appointed day, a large and respecta- fruit of a spirit of liberal justice, which disposes ble number of gentlemen sat down to an ele. you to award to faithful exertion in the public gant and sumptuous repast, prepared by Dr. service, that approbation, which belongs, of James Powell.

right, only to successful action. It is the out. The utmost harmony and good feeling pre- pouring of the goodness of your hearts, in favor vailed. Every thing was conducted with dig- of one, who, if he have no other claim to your nity and propriety. Though Judge Barbour favorable consideration, can assert that of an was personally known to only two or three of earnest and steady adherence through life, to. the company, he met with the most enthusiastic those great principles of constitutional law, and cordial reception. It was the spontaneous which constitute your and his political creed. and free-will offering of a free and enlightened At an early period, I adopted that creed which people to a distinguished public servant. We I have not only professed, but with fidelity enassembled, as members of the republican party, deavored to practice throughout my whole cato do honor not to the man but to our principles. reer, as a public man. For it was not to his abilities, great as they are,

Its articles are true and brief; but in my es. nor to his unblemished private character, which timation they constitute the true faith. As to not even the violence of party rancor has dared the first, all parties profess to be agreed. Into assail, but to the great and sacred principles deed, it could not be otherwise, for it is written which, through a long and eventful political in the book in language so plain that he who life, he had so firmly, consistently, and elo- runs may read. It is, that powers not granted quently advocated, that our homage was paid. to the Federal Government, are reserved to the

It was cheering to our hearts to recognize in States resp tively, or to the people. But, genour distinguished guest, these days of apos- tlemen, the great question which arises is, by tacy and desertion, a man “in whom there is what rule shall it be decided, what powers are no guile ;" one who adheres to the faith once granted? We have adopted as the second cadelivered a genuine republican of the Jeffer non of our creed, that this question shall be resonian school.

solved by a restricted construction of the instru. After the cloth was removed, Sterling Clai- ment assigning them. borne was appointed President, Champe Carter When I speak of a restricted construction, 1st Vice President, Dr. James Powell 2d Vice let me not be misunderstood. I do not mean, President, and Capt. Henry L. Brown Sereta- like the miser, who grudgingly deals out from ry. When the ninth toast was announced, a his hand, to stint the Federal Gove, nment, by highly inspiring scene followed. Cheers and a straight-laced system of constraint, in the use plaudidts, with other ardent manifestations of of the faculties which the Constitution has im. approbation, made the welkin ring, and every parted to it. I do not mean to curtail it of its eye sparkled with pleasure.

fair proportions, and to present a mass of imbe. After the noise had subsided, Judge Barbour çility, where it was intended to infuse into it rose and addressed the company most eloquent. strengib and energy. No, gentlemen, this is ly and feelingly, in substance as follows: no part of my purpose. My object is to retain

“I should be wanting, gentleman, as much the distribution of power, in the exact propor. in candor as in Sensibility, if I did not acknow. tions in which it has been made--to prevent ledge the gratification which I feel at the good the stronger party from taking, by construcopinion which you have just expressed, and the tion, what is not given it by the instrument to very great kindness with wbich it has been repe construed-to restrain both the Federal and ceived.

State Governments within their respective From these with whom I have long been ac spheres--so that they shall revolve around their quainted, towards whom I have stood for a se- common centre, in concentric circles, differing ries of years in the most intimate relations, 1 in dimensions, according to their respective might have expected somewhat of the partiality natures and objects ; thus avoiding all collision, of personal friendship. But to many of you, I and preserving that harmonious action which is am a stranger, alike unknowing and unknown. indispensable to the happiness and prosperity Indeed, it is the second time in my life, that 1 of our country. As one star differeth from anohave been within the borders of your county; ther in magnitude, so do these political bodies; and on each of these occasions, led by paternal yet, like the stars, each is necessary, in its profeelings to visit the family of a daughter. Upon (per place, to complete the great design with you, therefore, I have none of those claims aris. which the whole system was formed. Gentle ing from individual intimacy. To what cause, men, this is neither the time nor place for po

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litical discussion. But in vindication of those tower, to guard that Constitution, is to be burl.
principles, which you and I profess in common, ed from his post, for disobedience to the high
i may be permitted, for a moment, to inquire behests of this monster. No, gentlemen, it
what is the cause which has disturbed the har. cannot be; we must be reserved for other and
mony of the Union, and produced so much higher destinies than these.
painful anxiety in the minds of our people ? Is The message sent to the Senate, on this Oc.
there one who hears me, who is at a loss for the casion, at once shows the danger of federal
answer? Is not the assumption of disputed pow- encroachment, and gives us reason to hope that
ers by the Federal Government confessedly the it may be arrested in its march. We are
source from which so many waters of bitterness justly told in that valuable paper, that most of
flow! Sirs, the unruffled bosom of the ocean, the dangers which impend over our own Union,
on a summer's eve, would not be more calm have sprung from the abandonment of the legi.
than our country would now be, if the Ame- i mate objects of Government by our national
rican Congress had only acted upon this one legislation. We are told, too, and I rejoice to
broad principle on which the Constitution is hear it from that high source, that experience
laid : That, to the Federal Government belong should teach us wisdom--that it is time to
those powers which concern us as a whole ; pause in our career, and review our principles

. to the States, those which regard us as Gentlemen, our Government, so fruittul in parts. In relation to the first class, there is a useful lessons of instruction to mankind, in this common interest, and with it a common feel. paper exhibits a trait of character, as valuable ing. There is no danger, then, that collision as it is elsewhere unknown. It is this-In every of interest, or excitement of feeling will arise, other country on earth, the Executive is the from the exercise of these powers. But, when department from which danger of usurpation is the Federal Government aitempts to exercise apprehended--and the Legislature is relied those of the second class—when it attempts to upon as the barrier against it

. Here, on the legislate upon subjects of a local character, contrary, it is the Legislature of whom the where, by the great diversity of climate, pur people complain, and the Executive is seen suit, and other causes, a benefit imparted to offering itself as a bulwark against the tide of one portion of the country, is felt to be at the legislative encroachment. expense of another-that collision and that ex.

Gentlemen, I congratulate you upon this incitement will come, and unbappily have come, teresting event. I congratulate you upon the to a degree which threatens alarmingly to dis- late vetu. It has been beautifúlly said that turb our peace and harmony. Need I offer there is a point of depression, as well as of you, gentlemen, any further comment upon elevation, beyond which human affairs seldom this fruitful theme, than merely to refer you to pass, and from which they naturally return in a those great battle grounds of controversy, in- contrary progress. My own esperience conternal improvements and the tariff ? But for firms the truth of this aphorism. For, in all the questions such as these, should we not now en-conditions in which we have been placed, at joy a profound political calm! Am I not then every stage of our progress, no matter how the justified in saying that our creed leads to peace political Horizon may have seemed, for the moand concord, whilst the contrary one is calcu- ment, to have been overcast

, something has lated to keep us forever in troubled waters ? occurred, which, like the Sun emerging from This question shall be answered, not by me, behind the passing cloud which obscured it, but by one whose response will have much has cast a cheering ray of light over the gloom, more weight than any thing which I can say. and brightened the prospect before us. The Chief Executive Magistrate of the Union,

Such, in my estimation, is the late you will have learnt from the public prints, After that, we may indulge the hope

, that the has just rejected the bill renewing the charter doctrines which you and I profess

, bare of the Bank of the United States. He has had reached their lowest point of depression--that the firmness, in the face of menace and intimi. in the natural order of things, the time is about dation, to do bis duty, and to prove that he to come again, when they shall rise from their valued his country more than bimself ; for his true level, and become the standard of the true adversaries had solemnly and exultingly fore- faith-when, by a political cycle, the Legislawarned him, that such a step would cost him ture sliall be brought back to the point from his election. And shall this ill-omened pro- which its declination commenced; and

, taking phecy be fulfilled? Have we come to this, in its position in the political firmament, by the little more than half a century from our politi- side of the Federal Executive, shall, with that cal birth, that avarice, and the avarice of a few, body, constitute a constellation, to which, as to too, has become so strong, that the energies of the cynosure, we shall look, to guide our a whole people cannot grapple with it? I had course: when each and every department in our read, that it was insatiate-that it was a flame complex constitutional system, shall more in which burns unceasingly; and that, whether it its respective orbit, and thus each perform its was fed by plenty or starved by want, it was allotted part towards the fulfilment of the great alike unquenchable. But I had not read nor purpose of the creation of all--national strength heard, and I trust I shall never learn, the fatal cemented by national harmony. truth, that it is more potent than the Constituo. When, gentlemen, that time shall have come, tion of my country, and that he who has been then, indeed, will the golden age of this re. placed, as a sworn sentinel upon the watch-'public have returned among us; and so long as

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it shall continue, we shall enjoy all that bap: liberate conviction, that there is no principle of piness in fact which our ancestors anticipated reaction in the system itself which will warrant in speculation, when they formed the Constitu. the belief that Congress will ever voluntarily tion under which we live.”

grant to the planting States a restitution of Judge Barbour sat down amidst enthusiastic those sacred rights, without which property bursts of applause, and concluded by giving the has no value and liberty itself is the mere ollowing toast:

mockery of an empty name. On the contrary, The people of Amherst.-I thank them for experience has conclusively demonstrated that ftheir huspitality-I admire them for their sound the system is essentially progressive, each political principles.

successive advance creating additional motives TOASTS.

and supplying additional means for future ac. 1st. The memory of Washington, the father quisitions. There is no principle of human of his country. Drank standing.

action more steady in its operation and more 20. The memory of Thomas Jefferson, the boundless in its desires, ihan the thirst for author of the Declaration of Independence, of pecuniary gain, not even excepting ambition. the act for establishing Religious Freedom, and And it would be just as rational to expect that founder of the University of Virginia. Drank a military conqueror would voluntarily arrest standing.

his own career of conquest, and retreat before 3d. The signers of the Declaration of Inde. bis quailing adversaries, as to hope that the pendence. Šix cheers.

irresponsible majority who control the legisla4th. The memory of Patrick Henry: lation of Congress on this subject, will volun“The forest born Demosthenes,

tarily arrest their career of legislative exaction, Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas. "urged on as they are by the instinct of self. 5th. The memory of James Monroe interest, under the guise of patriotism, and

6th. The State interpretation, the rightful subject to no human restraint but their own remedy against federal usurpation.

will. 7th. The Governor of Virginia.

In the history of the protecting system, 8th. American Liberty-The rainbow of there are three distinct eras, each of them unhope to the oppressed of every clime. equivocally marked by the extended combina

9th. Our distinguished guest, Philip Pen. tion and increased strength of the manufacdleton Barbour-lhe able expounder of the turing interests, and not less unequivocally by Federal Constitution-His inflexible devotion the increased protection of those interests. "In to Virginia principles, his many and important, 1816, at the close of the war which gave an services to the State and nation, pre-eminently unnatural stimulus to domestic manufactures, entitle him to the gratitude and confidence of the liberality, the gratitude, and the patriotism the American people.

of Congress all conspired to recommend, that 10th. The Union-the beacon to light the in reducing and adjusting the revenue duties of triumph of civil liberty throughout the world. the war to the requirements of a peace estab.

11th. The President of the United States. lishment, the mannfacturing interest, which

12th. The memory of Lowndes—The South had generously sustained the government has to deplore his untimely end.

while other interests had deserted it, should be 13th. The Fair of Virginia. Six cheers.

saved from the shock of a too sudden transi.

tion, by making the reduction gradual and TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. progressive. Accordingly the duties upon

cotton and woollen manufactures were placed The undersigned, a portion of your Repre. at the ad valorem rate of twenty-five per censentatives in the Congress of the United States, tum, with the provision that no cotton fabric feel it to be their painful, but indispensable should be estimated of less value than twentyduty, in the present extraordinary crisis of your five cents per square yard, that being about the affairs, to submit, for your grave and solemn existing price of the coarse cotton manufactures consideration, the following brief views of your then usually imported. The duty on hampresent condition and future prospects, as they mered bar iron was fixed at th rate of furtyare affected by the unconstitutional legislation five cents per hundred weight, which did not of Congress. Whatever hopes may have been exceed twenty-five per centum on the existing indulged at the commencement of the session, value of that article, and the duty on all manuthat a returning sense of justice on the part of factures of iron was placed at twenty-five per the majority would remove or materially miti-centum ad valorem. In fact, it may be stated gate the grievous load of oppression under generally, that the average of the duties im. which you have so long labored, and of which posed upon the protected class of articles by you have so justly complained, the undersigned the tariff of 1816, was not more than twentyare now reluctantly constrained to declare that five per centum on their value, having refer. these flattering hopes, too long deferred, and ence to the then existing prices, of such as too fondly cherished, have finally and for ever were subjected to the minimum or specific vanished. A dispassionate review of the his duties, wbile the mere revenue duties upon tory and progress of the protecting duties, and coffee, tea, and wines, averaged at least fifty of those kindred measures which, in their com- per centum. The principle was here directly bination, constitute the "American System," assumed, that the unprotected articles were has brought their minds to the deep and de- the more appropriate subjects of taxation, and

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ought to pay higher duties than the protected that, what was modestly solicited and generarticles, for the obvious reason that the protec. ously granted as a temporary protection against tion given by the duties on these latter articles the disasters of a sudden change, produced by to one class of American producers, necessarily the act of the Government itself

, is now impeimposed an equivalent burthen upon another riously demanded, with a more than twofold in. class.

crease, as a matter of right, and as a measure But even these rates of duty upon cotton of permanent policy. They cannot fail to per. and woollen manufactures, were temporary up-ceive, also, that, after the progress and imon the face of the act which imposed them, it provement of forty years—sixteen of them unbeing expressly provided that, in three years, der a protection of from twenty-five to fifty-five they should be reduced from twenty-five to per cent.; during which our manufactures have twenty per cent. ad valorem. So far, there had full time to reach their maturity, a rate of fore, from being placed at this rate, for the ex- protecting duties is now established as the per clusive purpose of protection, those duties were manent policy of the country, four times as high actually lower than others which were exclu- as that which was recommended by Alexan. sively designed for revenue; and, so far from der Hamilton, when those manufactures were giving an implied pledge that they should be in their infancy. Upon every principle of res. retained and extended, without reference to son and justice, and upon the avowed principles the fiscal wants of the Government, the act of of Mr. Hamilton, the author of the protecting 1816 contained an express declaration, that system, no manufacture can have any claim to even the incidental protection of the revenue protection which cannot dispense with it after rates should not continue above twenty per a few years of probation. But these principles cent. for more than three years. Instead, are entirely disregarded and reversed by the however, of acquiescing in the provisions of present advocates of this system. The expethe act of 1816, the manufacturing interest was rience, maturity, and improvements which, acthe first to disturb them, by procuring the recording to those principles, should induce the peal of the clause which provided that, in three manufacturers to dispense with even origiyears, the ad valorem duties on cotton and nal protecting duties, have had no other effect woollen manufactures should be reduced from than to increase their demands. The infant twenty-five to twenty per cent.

which was generously norrished in its feeble. But, still unsatisfied with the protection so ness, now grown up to maturity, proves to be a generously yielded to them, the manufacturers gigantic monster, which turns upon its benecontinued to clamor for a yet greater increase factors and devours their substance, with an ap. of duties, until they succeeded, in 1824, in hav- petite increasing

with its stature, and which ing them raised on woollens from 25 to 33per nothing can satiate. cent.; iron to 90 cents per hundred; while, on

Adverting to the several steps by which this cotton manufactures, the minimum was raised system has attained its present dimensions, it from 25 10 30 cents the square yard, being it will be seen that, by the act of 1824, the proequivalent to an average increase of ten or fif, tecting duties were only raised, on an average, teen per cent. ad valorem; and, on most other about ten per cent., and even this increase was manufactures, a very considerable addition was carried in the House of Representatives by a made to the duties. The tariff of 1824 was meagre majority of five votes only

; whereas, in passed with the almost unanimous opposition of 1928, the amendments of the Senate

, which the representatives from all the southern States; raised the duties on woollen mahufactures from and nothing induced the people of the south, at 33} per cent., to an average of more than 50 that time, to acquiesce in it, but the solemn per cent., estimating the effect of the miniassurance of its leading auvocates that no tur- mums, and other protecting duties in propor ther call for protection would ever be made in tion, were carried in the House of Representa behalf of the manufacturing interest. This tives by the overwhelming majority of 117 pledge was most distinctly made in Congress votes to 67! It is thus apparent that the sys. during the discussion of that measure. But tem is not only progressive, but that each sucthis was soon forgotten or disregarded, and, in cessive advance has been greater than the pre1826, renewed efforts were made to extend the ceeding, and that the number of its supporters protecting duties, particularly on wool and has steadily increased at every successive strugo woollen manufactures, efforts which were per gle in Congress. severingly prosecuted until 1828, when they Considered in reference to the condition of were crowned with complete success by the the country, and the wants of the Governo enactment of what has been appropriately de- ment, the recent struggle, and the measure nominated a “ bill of abominations." This act which has resulted from it, form no exception increased the duties on woollen manufactures, to this remark. Indeed it may be affirmed on an average, more than twenty per cent., with confidence, that the system is at this moand most of the protecting duties to a conside- ment stronger than it ever

has been at any forrable extent, though not quite so much. mer period.

Such is a brief history of the progress of the In 1816, with a vast public debt to discharge, protecting system since the late warma history it was necessary to provide an anaual revewhich the people of the southern States can nue of $24,000,000. It is not now necessary contemplate with no other than the most me- to provide more than half that sum. If therelancholy reflections. They cannot but perceive fore, in 1816, the protecting duties did not

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average more than 25 per cent. when it was from the burthens of unconstitutional and op-
necessary to provide twenty-four millions of pressive taxation. Yet those claims have been
revenue, it clearly follows that, upon the prin. urged in vain upon an interested and irrespon-
ciples of the act of 1816, without reference to sible majority.
its prospective reductions, the protecting du. They have now made their ultimate conces-
ties should now be reduced to 12 per cent. sion and even that was yielded with great re-
when it is not necessary to provide a revenue luctance, and accompanied by the declaration
of more than $12,000,000.

of their leading advocates that the protecting
Yet, what are the provisions of the act re. duties would be hereafter increased, particu-
cently passed? The burdens of the protecling larly on woollen manufactures, if fifty per cen.
duties are decidedly increased, estimating the tum should be found an insufficient protection,
cash duties and diminished credits, and they with cash duties, that are equivalent to ten per
now actually stand at an average of more than centum more. What then, is the boasted
fifty per cent., while the duties on the unpro- compromise offered to the southern States by
tected articles, which, upon every principle of this new tariff? It is nothing more nor less than
equality and justice, should sustain the princi- such an artful arrangement of the duties upon
ple part of the burthens of taxation, are, with a imposts, as throws the burthen of the federal
few inconsiderable exceptions, entirely repeal. taxation upon the protection of these Slates,
ed. Upon those manufactures which are re while the tariff States are not only exempted
ceived in exchange for the staple productions from any portion of that burtben, but actually
of the southern States, the aggregate increase gain more than they lose by the entire operaç
of the burthens of taxation beyond what they tion of the system.
were under the tariff of 1828, is believed to be Nothing is more obvious to those who look
upwards of one million of dollars; while the re. through the whole scheme, in all its bearings,
duction or repeal of the duties on those im- than the manufacturing States would not con-
ports which are received in exchange for the seat to an entire repeal of the taxes, viewed in
productions of the tariff States, and are princi. the light of a mere question of pecuniary gain,
pally consumed in those states, amount to and without reference to the fiscal wants of the
about four millions of dollars. While, there-Government. Their whole course evinces,
fore, the aggregate burthens of taxation are di what is undoubtedly the fact, that they have a
minished four millions of dollars by this bill, the proprie ary interest in the taxes, instead of feel.
positive burthens of the southern States are ing them as a burthen. As a necessary conse-
not diminished at all, and their relative burth- quence of this state of things, the productions
ens are very greatly increased. The relief and property of the planting States, are abso-
which those States will derive, as consumers, lutely subject to the control of an irresponsible
from the reduction and repeal of the duties on and despotic majority, who have converted the
the exchanges of the, will not be more whole fiscal operations of the Government into
than equivalent to the increased burthens im. the mere means of levying contributions from
posed on the exchanges of the south. the industry of those to nourish and sustain the

On the other hand, those increased burthens rival industry of the manufacturing States. on the exchanges of the south operate as boun. The substantial right of property, in the planties to the manufacturing States to the amount tations of the south, is in the majority who exe of more tban a million of dollars, and the re. ercise this irresponsible power of exaction, and duction and repeal of duties on their exchanges those who vainly imagine they are the proprie and consumption operate as a relief to them of tors, and are in truth mere stewards, recover. at least three millions more. It results from ing just such an annual income, as this proprieall this, that the manufacturing Stales are retary government, the majority, may choose to lieved and benefitted, by the provisions of the allow them. The natural effect of this anoma. new tariff, to the amount of four millions of dol. lous action of the government, is that reckless lars annually, while the unequal and oppres- appropriation of the public money for every sive burthens of the planting States are not purpose, whether constitutional or unconstitu. only undiminished but greatly aggravated by tional, by which the legislation of Congress has their increased inequality. Their burthens are been characterized for several years past, and precisely the same now that the Government never to a more alarming extent than during requires only twelve millions of revenue, that the present session. This has been strikingly they were when it required double that exemplified by the establishment of a grand amount. The extinguishment of the public pension system, embracing all the volunteers debt, to which they looked forward with the and militia who served six months during the most cheering anticipations, brings them no revolutionary war, without any regard to their relief. On the contrary, it gives them the pecuniary circumstances, and involving the anmost unequivocal assurance of their hopeless nual expenditure of several millions of dollars; condition and final destiny, so far as these can by new extravagant appropriations for internal be fixed by Congresi. It may be said, with improvements of a mere lucal nature, to an esa perfecı truth, that even "hope, which comes to tent altogether without example; by an attempt all," comes not to them. There never will oc. successful in one branch of the legislature, and cur again a period so propitious as that which evidently destined to succeed in both, to disbas just gone by for urging upon Congress the tribute annually among the States three millions claims of the planting States' to be relieved of the public revenue; and, finally, by an ag

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