« ForrigeFortsett »
course, awakens all the sensibilities of my heart; and clearly proves that nothing is wanting in a public man, but integrity and political fidelity, to ensure him the most desirable of all rewards, the good opinion and confidence of his countrynatu. With sentiments of esteem for" yourselves, individually, I remain your obedient servant, P. P. BARBOUR. To Messrs. Champ Carter, Arthur B. Ravies, &c. &c. On the appointed day, a large and respectable number of gentlemen sat down to an elegant and sumptuous repast, prepared by Dr. James Powell. The utmost harmony and good feeling prevailed. Every thing was conducted with dignity and propriety. Though Judge Barbour was personally known to only two or three of the company, he met with the most enthusiastic and cordial reception. It was the spontaneous and free-will offering of a free and enlightened people to a distinguished public servant. We assembled, as members of the republican party, to do honor not to the man but to our principles. For it was not to his abilities, great as they are, nor to his unblemished private character, which
then, am I to ascribe it, that, under these circumstances, should I receive such a decisive manifestation of confidence and good opinion, as would almost have exceeded my most sanguine expectations, even if it had come from those whom I number amongst my neighbors, my acquaintances, my friends? Gentlemen, it is a tribute not so much to any merit of mine, as to those principles which you profess, in common with me. It is not the man, but the doctrines, to which you pay respect. It is, in part, the fruit of a spirit of liberal justice, which disposes you to award to faithful exertion in the public service, that approbation, which belongs, of right, only to successful action. It is the outpouring of the goodness of your hearts, in favor of one, who, if he have no other claim to your favorable consideration, can assert that of an earnest and steady adherence through life, to those great principles of constitutional law, which constitute your and his political creed. At an early period, I adopted that creed which I have not only professed, but with fidelity endeavored to practice throughout my whole career, as a public man. Its articles are true and brief; but in my estimation they constitute the true faith. As to
not even the violence of party rancor has dared to assail, but to the great and sacred principles which, through a long and eventful political life, he had so firmly, consistently, and eloquently advocated, that our homage was paid. It was cheering to our hearts to recognize in our distinguished guest, in these days of apostacy and desertion, a man “in whom there is no guile;” one who adheres to the faith once delivered—a genuine republican of the Jeffer sonian school. After the cloth was removed, Sterling Claiborne was appointed President, Champe Carter 1st Vice President, Dr. James Powell 24 Vice President, and Capt. Henry L. Brown Seretary. When the ninth toast was announced, a highly inspiring scene followed. Cheers and plaudidts, with other ardent manifestations of approbation, made the welkin ring, and every eye sparkled with pleasure. After the noise had subsided, Judge Barbour rose and addressed the company most eloquently and feelingly, in substance as follows: “I should be wanting, gentleman, as much in candor as in sensibility, if I did not acknowledge the gratification which I feel at the good opinion which you have just expressed, and the very great kindness with which it has been received. From these with whom I have long been ac quainted, towards whom I have stood for a series of years in the most intimate relations, 1 might have expected somewhat of the partiality of personal friendship. But to many of you, I am a stranger, alike unknowing and unknown. Indeed, it is the second time in my life, that I have been within the borders of your county; and on each of these occasions, led by paternal feelings to visit the family of a daughter. Upon you, therefore, I have none of those claims aris.
the first, all parties profess to be agreed. In— deed, it could not be otherwise, for it is written in the book in language so plain that he who runs may read. It is, that powers not granted to the Federal Government, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. But, gentlemen, the great question which arises is, by what rule shall it be decided, what powers are granted? We have adopted as the second canon of our creed, that this question shall be resolved by a restricted construction of the instrument assigning them. When I speak of a restricted construction, let me not be misunderstood. I do not mean, like the miser, who grudgingly deals out from his hand, to stint the Federal Government, by a straight-laced system of constraint, in the use of the faculties which the Constitution has imparted to it. I do not mean to curtail it of its fair proportions, and to present a mass of imbecility, where it was intended to infuse into it strength and energy. No, gentlemen, this is no part of my purpose. My object is to retain the distribution of power, in the exact proportions in which it has been made—to prevent the stronger party from taking, by construction, what is not given it by the instrument to be construed—to restrain both the Federal and State Governments within their respective spheres—so that they shall revolve around their common centre, in concentric circles, differing in dimensións, according to their respective natures and objects; thus avoiding all collision, and preserving that harmonious action which is indispensable to the happiness and prosperity of our country. As one star differeth from another in magnitude, so do these political bodies; yet, like th; surs, each is necessary, in its proper place, to complete the great design with which the whole system was formed. Gentle
ing from individual intimacy. To what cause,
men, this is neither the time nor place for po
litical discussion. But in vindication of those principles, which you and I profess in common, I may be permitted, for a moment, to inquire what is the cause which has disturbed the harmony of the Union, and produced so much painful anxiety in the minds of our people Is there one who hears me, who is at a loss for the answer? Is not the assumption of disputed powers by the Federal Government confessedly the source from which so many waters of bitterness flow Sirs, the unruffled bosom of the ocean, on a summer's eve, would not be more calm than our country would now be, if the American Congress had only acted upon this one broad principle on which the Constitution is laid : That, to the Federal Government belong those powers which concern us as a whole ; to the States, those which regard us, as parts. In relation to the first class, there is a common interest, and with it a common feeling. There is no danger, then, that collision of interest, or excitement of feeling will arise, from the exercise of these powers. But, when the Federal Government attempts to exercise those of the second class—when it attempts to legislate upon subjects of a local character, where, by the great diversity of climate, pursuit, and other causes, a benefit imparted to one portion of the country, is felt to be at the expense of another—that collision and that excitement will come, and unhappily have come, to a degree which threatens alarmingly to disturb our peace and harmony. Need I offer you, gentlemen, any further, comment upon this fruitful theme, than merely to refer you to those great battle grounds of controversy, internal improvements and the tariff But for questions such as these, should we not now enjoy a profound political calm t Am I not then justified in saying that our creed leads to peace and concord, whilst the contrary one is calculated to keep us forever in troubled waters: This question shall be answered, not by me, but by one whose response will have much more weight than anything which I can say. The Chief Executive Magistrate of the Union, as you will have learnt from the public prints, has just rejected the bill renewing the charter of the Bank of the United States. He has had the firmness, in the face of menace and intimi. dation, to do his duty, and to prove that he valued his country more than himself; for his adversaries had solemnly and exultingly forewarned him, that such a step would cost him his election. And shall this ill-omened prophecy be fulfilled . Have we come to this, in little more than half a century from our political birth, that avarice, and the avarice of a few, too, has become so strong, that the energies of a whole people cannot grapple with it? I had read, that it was insatiate-that it was a flame which burns unceasingly and that, whether it was fed by plenty or starved by want, it was alike unquenchable. But I had not read nor heard, and I trust I shall never learn, the fatal truth, that it is more potent than the Constitution of my country i and that he who has been placed, as a sworn sentinel upon the watch
it shall continue, we shall enjoy all that hap-sliberate conviction, that there is no principle of piness in fact which our ancestors anticipated reaction in the system itself which will warrant in speculation, when they formed the Constitu, the belief that Congress will ever voluntarily
tion under which we live.”
grant to the planting States a restitution of
Judge Barbour sat down amidst enthusiastic those sacred rights, without which property bursts of applause, and concluded by giving the has no value and liberty itself is the mere
mockery of an empty name.
On the contrary,
The people of Amherst.—I thank them for experience has conclusively demonstrated that ftheir hospitality—I admire them for their sound the system is essentially progressive, each
political principles. TOASTS.
o 1st. The memory of Washington, the fathersquisitions. action more steady in its operation and more
of his country. Drank standing.
successive advance creating additional motives and supplying additional means for future ac
There is no principle of human
2d. The memory of Thomas Jefferson, the boundless in its desires, than the thirst for author of the Declaration of Independence, of pecuniary gain, not even excepting ambition. the act for establishing Religious Freedom, and And it would be just as rational to expect that founder of the University of Virginia. Drank}a military conqueror would voluntarily arrest
his own career of conquest, and retreat before
3d. The signers of the Declaration of Inde-|his quailing adversaries, as to hope that the
pendence. Sir cheers. 4th. The memory of Patrick Henry: *The forest born Demosthenes, Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas.” 5th. The memory of James Monroe 6th. The State interpretation, the rightful remedy against federal usurpation. 7th. The Governor of Virginia. 8th. American Liberty—The rainbow of hope to the oppressed of every clime. 9th. Our distinguished guest, Philip Pendleton Barbour—the able expounder of the Federal Constitution—Hls inflexible devotion to Virginia principles, his many and important
irresponsible majority who control the legislalation of Congress on this subject, will voluntarily arrest their career of legislative exaction, urged on as they are by the instinct of self. interest, under the guise of patriotism, and * to no human restraint but their own will. In the history of the protecting system, there are three distinct eras, each of them unequivocally marked by the extended combination and increased strength of the manufacturing interests, and not less unequivocally by the increased protection of those interests. “In 1816, at the close of the war which gave an
services to the State and nation, pre-eminently unnatural stimulus to domestic manufactures, entitle him to the gratitude and confidence of the liberality, the gratitude, and the patriotism
the American people.
of Congress all conspired to recommend, that
10th. The Union—the beacon to light the in reducing and adjusting the revenue duties of
triumph of civil liberty throughout the world. 11th. The President of the United States.
12th. The memory of Lowndes—The Southshad, generously sustained
has to deplore his untimely end.
13th. The Fair of Virginia. Six cheers.
TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
The undersigned, a portion of your Repre
the war to the requirements of a peace establishment, the mannfacturing interest, which the government while other interests had deserted it, should be saved from the shock of a too sudden transition, by making the reduction gradual and progressive. Accordingly the duties upon cotton and woollen manufactures were placed at the ad valorem rate of twenty-five per cen
sentatives in the Congress of the United States, [tum, with the provision that no cotton fabric
feel it to be their painful, but indispensable duty, in the present extraordinary crisis of your affairs, to submit, for your grave and solemn consideration, the following brief views of your present condition and future prospects, as they
should be estimated of less value than twentyfive cents per square yard, that being about the existing price of the coarse cotton manufactures then usually imported. The duty on hammered bar iron was fixed at thorate of forty
are affected by the unconstitutional legislation|five cents per hundred weight, which did not
of Congress. Whatever hopes may have been indulged at the commencement of the session, that a returning sense of justice on the part of the majority would remove or materially mitigate the grievous load of oppression under which you have so long labored, and of which you have so justly complained, the undersigned are now reluctantly constrained to declare that these flattering hopes, too long deferred, and too fondly cherished, have finally and for ever vanished. A dispassionate review of the history and progress of the protecting duties, and of those kindred measures which, in their combination, constitute the “American System,”
has brought their minds to the deep and de
exceed twenty-five per centum on the existing y-lue of that article, and the duty on all manufactures of iron was placed at twenty-five per centum ad valorem. In fact, it may be stated generally, that the average of the duties imposed upon the protected class of articles by the tariff of 1816, was not more than twenty. five per centum on their value, having reference to the then existing prices, of such as were subjected to the minimum or specific duties, while the mere revenue duties upon coffee, tea, and wines, averaged at least fifty per centum. The principle was here directly assumed, that the unprotected articles were the more appropriate subjects of taxation, and
ought to pay higher duties than the protected
But even these rates of duty upon cotton
that, what was modestly solicited and genet.
the fiscal wants of the Government, the act of of Mr. Hamilton, the author of the protecting
1816 contained an express declaration, that
system, no manufacture can have any claim to
however, of acquiescing in the provisions of present advocates of this system. The opt-
the first to disturb them, by procuring the re-
cording to those principles, should induce the
it was necessary to provide an annual revo
It is not now necessary
contemplate with no other than the most me-|to provide more than half that sum, Is, there.
lancholy reflections. They cannot but perceive|fore, in 1816, the protecting duties did not
average more than 25 per cent, when it was necessary to provide twenty-four millions of revenue, it clearly follows that, upon the principles of the act of 1816, without reference to its prospective reductions, the protecting duties should now be reduced to 12% per cent. when it is not necessary to provide a revenue of more than $12,000,000. Yet, what are the provisions of the act re. cently passed? The burdens of the protecting duties are decidedly increased, estimating the cash duties and diminished credits, and they now actually stand at an average of more than fifty per cent., while the duties on the unprotected articles, which, upon every principle of equality and justice, should sustain the principle part of the burthens of taxation, are, with a few inconsiderable exceptions, entirely repealed. Upon those manufactures which are re. ceived in exchange for the staple productions of the southern States, the aggregate increase of the burthens of taxation beyond what they were under the tariff of 1828, is believed to be upwards of one million of dollars; while the reduction or repeal of the duties on those imports which are received in exchange for the productions of the tariff States, and are princi. pally consumed in those States, amount to about four millions of dollars. While, therefore, the aggregate burthens of taxation are di. minished four millions of dollars by this bill, the ositive burthens of the southern States are not diminished at all, and their relative burthens are very greatly increased. which those States will derive, as consumers, from the reduction and repeal of the duties on the exchanges of the no.th, will not be more than equivalent to the increased burthens im. osed on the exchanges of the south. On the other hand, those increased burthens on the exchanges of the south operate as boun. ties to the manufacturing States to the amount of more than a million of dollars, and the reduction and repeal of duties on their exchanges and consumption operate as a relief to them of at least three millions more. It results from all this, that the manufacturing States are re. lieved and benefitted, by the provisions of the new tariff, to the amount of four millions of dol. lars annually, while the unequal and oppressive burthens of the planting States are not only undiminished but greatly aggravated by their increased inequality. Their burthens are precisely the same now that the Government requires only twelve millions of revenue, that they were when it required double that amount. The extinguishment of the public debt, to which they looked forward with the most cheering anticipations, brings them no relief. On the contrary, it gives them the most unequivocal assurance of their hopeless condition and final destiny, so far as these can be fixed by Congress. It may be said, with perfect truth, that even “hope, which comes to all,” comes not to them. There never will oc. cur again a period so propitious as that which has just gone by for urging upon Congress the
from the burthens of unconstitutional and oppressive taxation. Yet those claims have been
sible majority. They have now made their ultimate concession and even that was yielded with great reluctance, and accompanied by the declaration of their leading advocates that the protecting duties would be hereafter increased, particularly on woollen manufactures, if fifty per centum should be found an insufficient protection, with cash duties, that are equivalent to ten per centum more. What then, is the boasted compromise offered to the southern States by this new tariff. It is nothing more nor less than such an artful arrangement of the duties upon imposts, as throws the burthen of the federal taxation upon the protection of these States, while the tariff States are not only exempted from any portion of that burthen, but actually gain more than they lose by the entire operation of the system. Nothing is more obvious to those who look through the whole scheme, in all its bearings, than the manufacturing States would not consent to an entire repeal of the taxes, viewed in the light of a mere question of pecuniary gain, and without reference to the fiscal wants of the
The relief |lutely subject to the control of an irresponsible
Government. Their whole course evinces, what is undoubtedly the fact, that they have a proprie'ary interest in the taxes, instead of feeling them as a burthen. As a necessary consequence of this state of things, the productions and property of the planting States, are abso
and despotic majority, who have converted the whole fiscal operations of the Gevernment into the mere means of levying contributions from the industry of those to nourish and sustain the rival industry of the manufacturing States. The substantial right of property, in the plantations of the south, is in the majority who exercise this irresponsible power of exaction, and those who vainly imagine they are the proprietors, and are in truth mere stewards, recovering just such an annual income, as this proprietary government, the majority, may choose to allow them. The natural effect of this anomalous action of the government, is that reckless appropriation of the public money for every purpose, whether constitutional or unconstitutional, by which the legislation of Congress has been characterized for several years past, and never to a more alarming extent than during the present session. This has been strikingly exemplified by the establishment of a grand pension system, embracing all the volunteers and militia who served six months during the revolutionary war, without any regard to their pecuniary circumstances, and involving the annual expenditure of several millions of dollars; by new extravagant appropriations for internal improvements of a mere local nature, to an extent altogether without example; by an attempt successful in one branch of the legislature, and evidently destined to succeed in both, to distribute annually among the States three millions
claims of the planting States to be relieved
of the public revenue; and, finally, by an ag
urged in vain upon an interested and irrespons