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President and the two Houses of Congress, shoald send for the record of its decisions, and phones, concentraka

subsist with them as organized bodies. His discriminate between those which he would, we sal bate redde

action is confined to their consummated pro- and those which he would not, execute, bethe dedica and

ceedings, and does not extend to measures in cause they were or were not agreeable to the will be clear

their incipient stages, during their progress Constitution, as he understands it. and the rule oggi

through the Houses, nor to the motives by There is another constitutional doctrine coneccamiah ka which they are actuated.

tained in the message, which is entirely new to There are some parts of this message that me. It asserts that the Government of the

ought to excite deep alarm, and that especi United States have no constitutional power to n maniers de tot be ally in which the President announces that purchase lands within the States,” except for is toerlas, de each public officer may interpret the Constitu- the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockof this song is led tion as he pleases. His language is : "Each yards, and other needful buildings;" and, even any of the Traine publice officer, who takes an oath to support the for these objects, only by the consent of the merely in ari da Constitution, swears that he will support it as Legislature of the State in which the same shall El the reneral de he understands it

, and not as it is understood be. Now, Sir, I had supposed that the right

of to has no more authority over Congress than the incontestible : and, in point of fact, it probaon that point, the President is independent of of the Union, purchased for taxes, or as a judgboth.Now, Mr. President, I conceive, with ment or mortgage creditor. And there are great deference, that the President has mis various acts of Congress which regulate the taken the purport of the oath to support the purchase and transfer of such lands. The adConstitution of the United States, No one visers of the President have confounded the swears to support it as he understands it, but to faculty of purchasing lands with the exercise of support it simply as it is in truth. All men exclusive jurisdiction, which is restricted by are bound to obey the laws, of which the Con- the Constitution to the forts and other build. stitution is the supreme; but must they obeyings described. them as they are, or as they understand them ? The message presents some striking instances

If the obligation of obedience is limited and of discrepancy. 1st. It contests the right to mous Treasul controlled by the measure of information ; in establish one bank, and objects to the bill that

other words, if the party is bound to obey the it limits and restrains the power of Congress to

Constitution only as he understands it, what establish several. 2d. It urges that the bill would be the consequence? The judge of an does not recognize the power of State taxation inferior court would disobey the mandate of generally; and complains that facilities are a supenior tribunal, because it was not in con- afforded to the exercise of that power, in reformity to the Constitution, as he understands it, I spect to the stock held by individuals. 3d. It a custom house officer would disobey a circular objects that any bonus is taken, and insists that from the Treasury Department, because con- not enough is demanded. And 4th. It comtrary to the Constitution, us he understands it; plains that foreigners have too much influence; an American Minister would disregard an in- and that stock transferred loses the privilege of struction from the President, communicated representation in the elections of the bank, through the Department of State, because not which, if it were retained, would give them agreeable to the Constitution, as he understands more.

Mr. President, we are about to close one of navy would violate the orders of his superior, the longest and most arduous sessions of Con. because they were not in accordance with the gress under the present Constitution; and when Constitution, as he understands it. We should we return among our constituents, what achave nothing settled, nothing stable, nothing count of the operations of their Government fixed. There would be general disorder and shall we be bound to communicate? We shall be confusion throughout every branch of admini-compelled to say that the Supreme Court is stration, from the highest to the lowest officers paralyzed, and the missionaries retained in -universal nullification. For, what is the doc- prison in contempt of its authority, and in detrine of the President but that of South Caro. fiance of numerous treaties and laws of the lina applied throughout the Union? The Pre- United States; that the Executive, through the sident independent both of Congress and the Secretary of the Treasury, sent to Congress a Supreme Court ! Only bound to execute the tariff bill which would have destroyed nume. laws of the one and the decisions of the other rous branches of our domestic industry, and as far as they conforin to the Constitution of led to the final destruction of all; that the veto the United States, as he underslands it! Then has been applied to the Bank of the United it should be the duty of every President, on his states, our only reliance for a sound and uniinstallation into office, to carefully examine all form currency ; that the Senate has been the acts in the statute book, approved by his violently attacked for the exercise of a clear predecessors, and mark out those which he constitutional power; that the House of Reprewas resolved not to execute, and to which he sentatives has been unnecessarily assailed, and meant to apply this new species of veto, be that the President has promulgated a rule of cause they were repugnant to the Consti ution, action for those who have taken the oath to as he understands it. And, after the expira. support the Constitution of the United States,

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WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 3, 1832.

Vol. VI............... BY DUFF GREEN..$2.50 PER ANNUM............. No. *23

1

EDITORIAL.

ties the same effect. If the editor means that

General Hayne ought to have'voted in the conWONDERS WILL NEVER CEASE.

ference for the increase of duties produced by The miserable tricks, gross falsehoods, and the amendments of the Senate, for the purpose disingenuous misreptesentations of the presses of preventing a compromise of the disagrecin the pay of the kitchen cabinet have long ment between the two Houses, and thereby since ceased to be a matter of surprise; and the defeating the bill, then is he widely miso only feeling they are now capable of exciting taken, not only with regard to the ultimate is that of disgust and pity for the degradation effect of the vote, but as to the man he cen. of poor human nature. Let but the most im- sures. By voting otherwise than he did, Gen. probable romance emanate from one of the eral Hayne would have incurred the odium of least responsible of the pack, and it is eagerly voting for increased duties, and the bill would caught at and circulated far and wide by the have certainly passed with his name recorded whole of the kennel. Having manufactured in support of ultra-protection. Besides, even falsehoods by the wholesale, and nearly ex.

had the improbable hope existed of defeating hausted their store of the raw material, they

the bill by the course pointed out by the Baltihave at times been reduced to the most lu- more Republican, the editor of that print knows dicrous expedients for the sake of keeping the

too well General Hayne's chivalric character exclusive control of the home market. Take, of attaing his ends by such base and unworthy for instance, as a sample, the last effort that

ap. expedients. we notice one gross, falsehood

and nice sense of honor to believe him capable peared in tñe Globe of yesterday, copied from and then we are done. The Republican says the Baltimore Republican; and what in the that General Hayne “boasted of the adroitness name of Baron Munchausen is it? Why a with which he managed Messrs. Wilkins and charge against General Hayne, of South Caro. Dickerson, to induce them to aid him in prolina, of having been principally instrumental in the passage of the tariff act of 1832, supported curing an agreement between the two Houses by the fact that General Hayne, in the

commit. with regard to the provisions of the bill, withtee of conference, on the disagreeing votes of it is only necessary to say that there is not one

out which it could not have been passed. 'Now the two houses, voted to recede from the word of truth in this from beginning to end; amendments of the Senate, and by baving and that the Baltimore Republican has no bet. Messrs. Dickerson and Wilkins with him, effected a compromise. Now, what were the

ter authority for it than, perhaps, the say-so of facts? It is well known to the editors both of the debate in this papers of the city furnish

some irresponsible letter writer: the reports of the Globe and Republican that the amend. ments of the Senate, to which the House reo

no authority for it. fused to accede, and on which the committe of conference was appointed, considerably in

MR. VAN BUREN. creased the duties in the bill as it came from The northern mail of yesterday brought us the House. General Hayne's course, there the letter of the President and Vice-Presidents fore, was a plain one: he had voted against ev- of the Baltimore Convention, announcing to ery one of these amendments in the Senate, Mr. Van Buren his having been selected by and he voted to recede from them in commit that body as their candidate for the Vice Presi. tee. To be consistent, he could vote in no dency, and the letter of the last named geatleother way. He had ever been an uncompro- man modestly accepting this distinguished mising opponent of high duties, and on bott mark of their confidence.” With regard to these occasions be voted for their reduction. these letters, two questions naturally, present In fact, General Wayne's were not votes of themselves: 'Why are they published at this compromise, though the votes of Messrs. Wil-particular juncture and why has their publica kins and Dickerson were.

But the sage editor tion been delayed thus long? The convention of the Republican says: " If Mr. Hayne had sat in May, and Mr. Van Buren has been not supposed that some advantage was to be nearly two months in the country; The let gained by the passage of the bill, why should ters announcing the nomination is dated on the he endeavor to place it in a shape in which it 224 of May, and Mr. Van Buren's letter in ancould be passed!" In what way, it is asked, swer, is dated on the 21 of August, instant

. Is did Mr. Hayne endeavor to put the bill in a it to be supposed that the politic nominee treatshape in which it could be passed By voting|ed those on whom he is to rely for his future throughout for the lowest duties? If Mr. advancement with so little respect as to keep Hayne's votes had the effect charged by the them in suspense, touching a matter of such Baltimore Republican, then had the votes of moment, for nearly two months! A New every southern member who voted for low du-York paper, speaking of the correspondence,

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suggests that two letters were written by Mr. J the white robe, be is, like the Roman candiVan Buren to the organs of the convenlion im-date-since Romans are all the fashion normediately on the receipt of their letter announ compelled to wear it with a good grace, nocing his selection; and that each of the letters withstanding its being rather a tight fit. fully developed, but in opposite terms, the " Most sweet voices ! nominee's " diversities of ulterior preference,” Better it is to die, better to starve, to be used as occasion migbt serve. Be this as Tban crave the hire, which first we do it may, we leave these mystifications of the deserve. bon. gentleman to be reconciled by his friends Why in this wolfish gown should I stand of the Globe and Enquirer, which they can as here easily do as some other labors of love they To beg of Hob and Dick that do appear, have so piously engaged in. The letter of Their needless vouches? annunciation abounds, as does also the letter in

Rather than fool it so reply, with many of those calch-words and Let the high offices and the honor 80 words-of-course, usually found in toasts and To one that would do thus." 4th of July orations, and with slight alterations “ Since the above mentioned period," the would answer nearly as well for the invitation unwilling candidate goes on to say, "my po to a dinner and its acceptance, as for the occa.sition has been essentially changed by the cir. sion on which they were written.. There is, cumstances to which you (the committeey have however, a most unfortunate allusion, in the referred.” (i. e. his "wounded feelings:") first, to the “wounded feelings of the nomi- and a little after, he says : nee, which a sense of delicacy as well as digni "Whatever my personal feeling and eciakas fied self-respect, should have induced the com- might otherwise have been, I cannol hesitate as to mittee to avoid. The committee say:

the course which it now becomes me to purn; “If the great Republican party throughou and I therefore cheerfully consent, that the farthe Union, shall continue faithful to the princi- rable opinion expressed by your constituents, de ples they have so long maintained, and be ani- submitted to the more deliberate judgment of the mated by the same zeal and unanimity which American people." characterized their representatives in the con This is what the Albany Argus calls frankly vention, and in a peculiar manner marked the accepting the nomination. We admit that it result of their proceedings, we have every rea is an actual and unconditional acceptance, son to congratulate you and our illustrious Pre, though with a " protestando," as we said berident, that there is in reserve for your wounded fore, that few are likely to believe. On the feelings a just and certain reparation, and an great questions of public policy and constituample retribution for the injury meditated against tional obligations, which

have so long agitated the well-meant measures of a Patriot, whose the country, Mr. Van Buren's letter is altoge whole administration has been exclusively di-ther a " non committal." It was to have been rected to the advancement of the public good." expected that, on an occasion of this kind, sus

. In this paragraph, besides its obvious mean-fering himself to be placed before the people ness and indelicacy, there is nothing more re. for the second office in their gift

, he would markable, unless it be the downright impu- have recited his political creed." But no. No dence which seeks to identify Martin Van Bu. such thing is to be found in the letter

. To ren and his motley convention with the great true, he talks very prettily about " the pris Republican party of the Union, and the princi- ciples on which government ought to be ad ples they have so long maintained." The other ministered ;" but he does not even hint what parts of the letter are such as might naturally they are ; and when he says, "the differen be expected from men, so many of whom sup- ces to which you have alluded

, grow out of port, for the second office in the Government, circumstances not easily controlled fet,l.com a candidate whose known principles and prac. not but concur with

you in the belief that they tice are diametrically opposed io theirs. of inay be overcome, if our efforts are conceived the letter

of the nominee, a few and only a in a generous spirit of conciliation, acompania few, passing remarks will now be made; leav- ed by a sincere determination not to suffer is ing it for a more thorough examination, on a operations to be counteracted by personal pres more fitting occasion.

judices or local interests," he leaves it to his Like his illustrious and venerable friend and friend of the Enquirer to interpret, one way in admirer at Richmond, Mr. Van Buren accepts the south, and to him of the Albany Argus, to the tendered boon with “ a protestando." He give it a contrary interpretation at the north, sets out with protesting, in the integrity of his the whole letter, in short, is an admirable spero heart, that he had no hand in procuring the cimen of mystification, and will serve Mr. Kita nomination. Although his name had been fre-chie just as well to develop the writer's "po quently mentioned in connexion with the office litical creed,” as the speech on the power, of Vice President, (“ previously to his depar- the Vice President to call a member to order ture from this country,”) it was not done with for words spoken in debate. bis approbation; "on the contrary, when consulted on the subject (he) uniformly declared

CORRESPONDENCE. that (he) was altogether unwilling to be con

BALTIMORE, May 22, 1832. sidered a candidate for the station." But hav. Martin Van Buren, Esq. ing, though with great reluctance, once donned

Sir: At a republican Convention, assembled

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in this place, by previous appointment, you trary, when consulted on the subject, I uni.
have been nominated as a candidate for the formly declared, that I was altogether unwilling
Vice Presidency, and presented to the people to be considered a candidate for the station.
as a suitable person to fill that high and respon. To my friends, whenever opportunity present-
sible office. That Convention has constituted ed, the grounds of this unwillingness were ful-
us the organ of communication to you, of this ly explained; and I left them, as I supposed,
distinguished mark of their confidence. It generally satisfied with my course in this re.
gives us pleasure to inform you that, though spect, and resolved to recommend and unite in
there were other worthy and favorite individu. the support of some other individual.
als of the democratic party, sharing largely in Since that period my position has been essen.
their regard and dividing with you their confi- tially changed, by the circumstances to which
dence; yet, when the clear and ascertained will you have referred, and to which, rather than to
of the respective delegations, indicated you as any superior fitness on my part, I am bound to
the preferred object of their wishes, every ascribe the decision of the convention, and the
voice in the Convention united in the choice. warmth and unanimity of feeling with which it

If the great republican party throughout the would seem to have been accompanied. ViewUnion, shall continue faithful to the principles ing it in this light, I cannot but regard this they have so long maintained, and be animated spontaneous expression of confidence and by the same zeal and unanimity which charac- friendship from the delegated democracy of the terised their representatives in the Convention, Union, as laying me under renewed obligations and in a peculiar manner marked the result of of gratitude to them, and of fidelity to the great their proceedings, we have every reason to interests for whose advancement they were congratulate you and our illustrious President, assembled. I feel, also, that I should prove that there is in reserve for your wounded feel- myself unworthy of so much kindness, were I ings a just and certain reparation, and an ample to disregard those obligations, or to shrink from retribution for the injury meditated against the any duties they legitimately imply. Whatever well meant measures of a patriot, whose whole my personal feelings and wishes might otheradministration has been exclusively directed to wise have been, I cannot hesitate as to the the advancement of the public good.

course which it now becomes me to pursue, We are not unaware that our adversaries af- and I therefore cheerfully consent, that the fect to derive encouragement from the diversi- farorable opinion expressed by your constity of sentiments and interests which exists tuents be submitted to the more deliberate among us. But we confidently believe there is judgment of the American people. disinterestedness of purpose and strength of That those who entertain the same general patriotism sufficient to meet and overcome, not opinions in regard to the principles on which only the difficulties arising from this source, Government ought to be administered, should but also the powerful and combined opposi. sometimes disagree both as to measures and to lion arrayed against us. The differences among men, especially in a country whose interests are us, which our opponents have regarded as se- so diversified as our own, is to be expected. It rious divisions, and to which they look with is to be hoped, however, that nothing will such fond expectations, will yield, we doubt occur to impair the harmony and affection not, to the dictates of prudence and a sense of which have hitherto bound together, in one political safety, and our free institutions long political brotherhood, the republicans of the be preserved.

north and south, the east and the west; and The decided expression of the wishes of the which, by cementing their union and securing republican party, evinced through their repre- their concerted action, have heretofore contrisentatives in the Convention, induces us to cal buted so largely to the welfare of the nation. culate with confidence on your acceptance of the differences to which you have alluded, the nomination which we are appointed to grow out of circumstances not easily controlled; make known to you,

yet I cannot but concur with you in the belief With sentiments of personal respect, we are that they may be overcome, if our efforts are your fellow-citiz ns.

conceived in a generous spirit of conciliation, ROBERT LUCAS, President. accompanied by a sincere determination not to P. V. DANIEL,

Vice

suffer its operations to be counteracted by perJAMES FENNER,

sonal prejudices or local interests. That such

Presi-
JOHN M. BARCLAY,

efforts will be made in every quarter of the

dents. A. S. CLAYTON,

Union, is not to be doubted, and we have there.

fore no occasion to despair of the safety or per. KINDERKOOK, Aug. 30, 1832. manence of our free institutions. It is also Gentlemen: I have had the honor to receive most fortunate for fthe country, that our your communication, advising me of my nomi- public affairs are under the direction of an nation, by the Convention recently assembled individual peculiarly qualified by his early at Baltimore, as a candidate for the office of and inflexible devotion to republican prinVice President of the United States.

ciples, and by that moral

courage

which Previously to my departure from this coun- distinguishes him from all others, to cartry, my name had been frequently mentioned ry the nation triumphantly through the difin connexion with that office. This, however, ficulties by which it is encompassed. Thoroughwas not done with my approbation; on the con-lly convinced that the stability and value of our

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