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ITIE *. DEBATE ON THE WETO MESSAGE.-Mr. CLAY. 719
*** coal and constitutional relations between the stion of every term of the supreme court, he o President and the two Houses of Congress, should send for the record of its decisions, and o-subsist with them as organized bodies. His discriminate between those which he would, ** action is confined to their consummated pro- and those which he would not, execute, be.
on ceedings, and does not extend to measures in cause they were or were not agreeable to the so their incipient stages, during their progress |Constitution, as he understands it.
o through the Houses, nor to the motives by There is another constitutional doctrine con- o which they are actuated. tained in the message, which is entirely new to There are some parts of this message that me. It asserts that “the Government of the o oghi to excite deep alarm, and that especio United States have no constitutional power to
n o ally in which the President announces that purchase lands within the States,” except *for each public officer may interpret the Constitu- the erection afforts, magazines, arsenals, dock
-o-oo tion as he pleases. His language is: “Each yards, and other needful buildings;” and, even o o public officer, who takes an oath to support the for these objects, only “by the consent of th o Constitution, swears that he will support it as Legislature of the State in which the same shall | he understands it, and not as it is understood be.” Now, Sir, I had supposed that the right othe o by others.” “ ” “The opinion of the judges of Congress to purchase lands in any state was * has no more authority over congress than the incontestible; and, in point of fact, it proba
o o opinion of Congress has over the judges; and, bly, at this moment, ownslands in every State. o on that point, the President is independent of of the Union, purchased for taxes, or as a judgo ooth.” Now, Mr. President, I conceive, with ment or mor age creditor. And there are sito great deference, that the President has mis, various acts of Čongress which regulate the en taken the purport of the oath to support the purchase and transfer of such lands. The adthoo Constitution of the United States. No one visers of the President have confounded the In the o to support it as he understandsit, but to faculty of purchasing lands with the exercise of wn so support it simply as it is in truth. All men exclusive jurisdiction, which is restricted by o are bound to obey the laws, of which the Con- the Constitution to the forts and other buildstitution is the supreme; but must they obeyings described.
o - --- ---". them as they are, or as they understand them? | The message presents some striking instances o If the obligation of obedience is limited and of discrepancy, 1st. It contests the right to
brom other words, if the party is bound to obey the it limits and restrains the power of Congress to I.". constitution only as he understands it, what establish several. 2d. It urges that the billwould be the consequence o The judge of an | does not recognize the power of State taxation inferior court would disobey the mandate of generally; and complains that facilities are a superior tribunal, because it was not in con- afforded to the exercise of that power, in reformity to the constitution, as he understands it, I spect to the stock held by individuals. 8d. It a customhouse officer would disobey a circularl objects that any bonus is taken, and insists that from the Treasury Department, because con- not enough is demanded. And 4th. It com-
o controlled by the measure of information; in establish one bank, and objects to the bill that
To . o trary to the Constitution, as he understands it. I plains that foreigners have too much influence; fo an American Minister would disregard an in-land that stock transferred loses the privilege of inding struction from the President, communicated representation in the elections of the bank,
o through the Department of state, because not which, if it were retained, would give them
to agreeable to the Constitution, as he understands more.
- o, and a subordinate officer in the army or Mr. President, we are about to close one of navy would violate the orders of his superior, the longest and most arduous sessions of Con
because they were not in accordance with the Igress under the present Constitution; and when -
o as he understands it, we should we return among our constituents, what ac-
o ove mething settled, nothing stable, nothing count of the operations of their Government us fixed. There would be general disorder and shall we be bound to communicate weshall be go o o
confusion throughout every branch of admini-compelled to say that the Supreme Court is
that must, if there be practical conformity to it, prise when preceived that the ball his ho | introduce general nullification, and end in the the peice of the barkimmediately beneathto absolute subversion of the Government. squrrel, and shivered into splimer, the on- | cussion produced by which had killed the on
Amonican and English tons,— have a mal and sent it whirling through the air, so thousand times observed one pecular trait inlit had beenblown up by the eros. the character of seamen. When English sailors powder magazine. Boon kept up his no are in an American port, or Yankees in an Enland before many hours had elapse of lo glish place, they are sure to quarrel—but put procured as many squirrels as we wood, so the same men in French or Spanish seaports, you must know, kind reader to: and they will unite most firmly against the requires only a moment, and that is owned commun enemy. I have often been amused at once each shot will do its do solo the promptness and alacrity which the English Since that interview with our yelomon, sailors uniformly espoused our quarrels on the have seen many other indio o coast of south America, without stopping to the feat-dudubon's Ornitholo too. count noses, or to make any tedious unneces.|Po - - sary investigation of the row, we commonly received the first advices of their arrival and cooperation from seeing half a dozen of the enemy rolling in the gutter, and ther estinfull retreat. It was enough for them to see one of us put upon” by the natives, to induce them to lend us their aid. Another trial, more amia.
WONDERS WILL NEVER CEASE.
. The miserable tricks, gross falsehoods, and disingenuous misreptesentations of the presses in the pay of the kitchen cabinet have long since ceased to be a matter of surprise; and the 9nly feeling they are now capable of exciting is that of disgust and pity for the degradation of poor human nature. Let but the most imrobable romance emanate from one of the east responsible of the pack, and it is eagerly caught at and circulated far and wide by the whole of the kennel. Having manufactured falsehoods by the wholesale, and nearly ex. hausted their store of the raw material, they have at times been reduced to the most loo. dicrous expedients for the sake of keeping the
ties the same effect. If the editor means that General Hayne ought to have'voted in the conference for the increase of duties produced by the amendments of the Senate, for the purpose of preventing a compromise of the disagreement between the two Houses, and thereby
taken, not only with regard to the ultimate effect of the vote, but as to the man he censures. By voting otherwise than he did, Gen. eral Hayne would have incurred the odium of voting for increased duties, and the bill would have certainly passed with his name recorded in support of ultra-protection. Besides, even had the improbable hope existed of defeating the bill by the course pointed out by the Baltimore Republican,the editor of that print knows too well General Hayne's chivalric character
exclusive control of the home market. Take, for instance, as a sample, the last effort that apReared in the Globe of yesterday, copied from the Baltimore Republican; and what in the name of Baron Munchausen is it? Why a tharge against General Hayne, of south care. ona, of having been principally instrumentalin the passage of the tariffact of 1832, supported by the fact that General Hayne, in the commit. tee of conference, on the disagreeing votes, of the two houses, voted to recede from the amendments of the Senate, and by having Messrs. Dickerson and Wilkins with him, ef. fected a compromise. Now, what were the ficts’. It is well known to the editors both of
and nice sense of honor to believe him capable of attaing his ends by such base and unworthy expedients. We notice one gross falsehood and then we are done. The Republican says that General Hayne “boasted of the adroitness with which he managed Messrs. Wilkins and Dickerson, to induce them to aid him in procuring an agreement between the two Houses with regard to the provisions of the bill, without which it could not have been passed. Now it is only necessary to say that there is not one word of truth in this from beginning to end; and that the Baltimore Republican has no better authority for it than, perhaps, the say-so of some irresponsible letter writer; the reports of the debate in this papers of the city furnish
the Globe, and Republican that the amend. ments of the Senate, to which the house re. fused to accede, and on which the committe of conference was appointed, considerably in creased the duties in the bill as it came from the House.
no authority for it.
MR. WAN BUREN. The northern mail of yesterday brought us
General Hayne's course, there.]the letter of the President and Vice-Presidents
fore, was a plain one: he had voted against ev-|of the Baltimore Convention, ...; to by
ery one of these amendments in the Senate,
Mr. Van Buren his having been selecte
and he voted to recede from ...them in commit. that body as their candidate for the Vice Presi** To be consistent, he could vote in no dency, and the letter of the last named gentle
other way. He had ever been an uncompro
mising opponent of high duties, and on both mark of their confidence.”
man modestly accepting. “this distinguished
With regard to
these occasions he voted for their reduction. these letters, two questions naturally present In fact, General IIayne's were not votes of themselves: Why are they published at this $9"Promise, though the votes of Messrs. Wil-particular juncture? and why has their publica
kins and Dickerson were.
But the sage editor|tion been delayed thus long? The convention
of the Republican says: “If Mr. Hayne had sat in May, and Mr. Van Buren has been
not supposed that some advantage was to be nearly two months in the country;
gained by the passage of the bill, why should ters announcing the nomination is dated on the he endeavor to place it in a shape in which it 22d of May, and Mr. Yan Buren's letter in an
could be passed”
In what way, it is asked, swer, is dated on the 2d of August, instant. Is
did Mr. Hayne endeavor to put 'the bill in it to be supposed that the politic nominee treat
*hape in which it could be passed?
By voting|ed those on whom he is, to rely for his future
throughout for the lowest duties; if Mosadvancement with so little respect as to keep Hayne's votes had the effect charged by the them in suspense, touching a matter of such
Baltimore Republican, then had the votes of moment, for nearly two months?
****Y*outhern member who voted for low du-York paper, speaking of the correspondence,
defeating the bill, then is he widely, missuggests that two letters were written by Mr.
the white robe, he is, like the Roman undi.
van Buren to the organs of the convention im- date—since Romans are all the fishion mrmediately on the receipt of their letter announ-compelled to weak it with a good grace, to
cing his selection; and that each of the letters fully developed, but in opposite terms, the nominee's “diversities of ulterior preference,” to be used as occasion might serve. Be this as it may, we leave these mystifications of the hon. gentleman to be reconciled by his friends of the Globe and Enquirer, which they can as easily do as some other labors of love they have so piously engaged in. , The letter of annunciation abounds, as does also the letter in reply, with many of those catch-words and words-of-course, usually found in toasts and 4th of July orations, and with slight alterations would answer nearly as well for the invitation to a dinner and its acceptance, as for the occasion on which they were written. There is, however, a most unfortunate allusion, in the first, to the “wounded feelings” of the nominee, which a sense of delicacy as well as dignified self-respect, should have induced the committee to avoid. The committee say: “If the great Republican party throughou the Union, shall continue faithful to the princiles they have so long maintained, and be animated by the same zeal and unanimity which characterized their representatives in the con
vention, and in a peculiar manner marked the accepting the nomination. We wint that
result of their proceedings, we have every rea. son to congratulate you and our illustrious President, that there is in reserve for your wounded feelings a # and certain reparation, and an ample retribution for the o meditated against the well-meant measures of a Patriot, whose whole administration has been exclusively directed to the advancement of the public good.” In this paragraph, besides its obvious meanness and indelicacy, there is nothing more remarkable, unless it be the downright impudence which seeks to identify Martin Van Buren and his motley convention with “the great Republican party of the Union, and the principles they have so long maintained. The other arts of the letter are such as might naturally e expected from men, so many of whom suport, for the second office in the Government, * candidate whose known principles and prac. tice are diametrically opposed to theirs. Of the letter of the nominee, a few and only a few, passing remarks will now be made; leaving it for a more thorough examination, on a more fitting occasion. Like his illustrious and venerable friend and admirer at Richmond, Mr. Van Buren accepts the tendered boon with “a protestando.” He sets out with protesting, in the integrity of his heart, that he had no hand in procuring the nomination.
is an actual and unconditional accepto though with a “protestando," as we old. fore, that few are likely to beliere. Ono great questions of public policy and *. tional obligations, which have to long-gate the country, Mr. van Buren's letterial';* ther a “non commissal” li was to how; been expected that, on an occasionshūkini". fering himself to be placed before the * for the second office in their gift, he wo have recited his political creed, but no. o such thing is to be found in the late: ". true, he talks very prettily about "to ciples on which government ought.”
ministered;” but he does not even him. whit they are; and when he says, “the dio ces to which you have alluded f. Out circumstances not easily controlled so not but concur with you in the beliefdo may be overcome, if our efforts are emo" in a generous spirit of conciliation, to ed by a sincere determination not to ** operations to be counteracted by peror.
friend of the Enquirer to interpret,” st the south, and to him of the Albany Ago" give it a contrary interpretation ***. the whole letter, inshort, is an admiro. cimen of mystification, and will serve".”
Although his name had been fre-|chie just as well to develop the writer's "po.
quently mentioned in connexion with the office|litical creed,” as the speech on the ". of Vice President, (“previously to his depar- the Vice President to call a member" ords ture from this country,”) it was not done with for words spoken in debate.
his approbation ; “on the contrary, when consulted on the subject (he) uniformly declared that (he) was altogether unwilling to be con
CORRESPONDENCE, Baltimons, May?, 1832,
sidered a candidate for the station.” But havo (Martin Van Buren, Esq.
ing, though with great reluctance, once donned
in this place, by previous appointment, you have been nominated as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and presented to the people as a suitable person to fill that high and responsible office. That Convention has constituted us the organ of communication to you, of this distinguished mark of their confidence. It gives us pleasure to inform you that, though there were other worthy and favorite individu. als of the democratic party, sharing largely in their regard and dividing with you their confi. dence; yet, when the clear and ascertained will of the respective delegations, indicated you as the preferred object of their wishes, every voice in the Convention united in the choice. If the great republican party throughout the Union, shall continue faithful to the principles they have so long maintained, and be animated by the same zeal and unanimity which characterised their representatives in the Convention, and in a peculiar manner marked the result of their proceedings, we have every reason to congratulate you and our illustrious President, that there is in reserve for your wounded feelings a just and certain reparation, and an ample retribution for the injury meditated against the well meant measures of a patriot, whose whole
trary, when consulted on the subject, I uniformly declared, that I was altogether unwilling to be considered a candidate for the station. To my friends, whenever opportunity presented, the grounds of this unwillingness were fully explained; and I left them, as I supposed, generally satisfied with my course in this respect, and resolved to recommend and unite in the support of some other individual. Since that period my position has been essentially changed, by the circumstances to which you have referred, and to which, rather than to any superior fitness on my part, I am bound to ascribe the decision of the convention, and the warmth and unanimity of feeling with which it would seem to have been accompanied. Viewing it in this light, I cannot but regard this spontaneous expression of confidence and friendship from the delegated democracy of the Union, as laying me under renewed obligations of gratitude to them, and of fidelity to the great interests for whose advancement they were assembled. I feel, also, that I should prove myself unworthy of so much kindness, were I to disregard those obligations, or to shrink from any duties they legitimately imply. Whatever my personal feelings and wishes might other
administration has been exclusively directed to the advancement of the public good. We are not unaware that our adversaries affect to derive encouragement from the diversity of sentiments and interests which exists among us. But we confidently believe there is disinterestedness of purpose and strength of patriotism sufficient to meet and overcome, not only the difficulties arising from this source, but also the powerful and combined opposi
tion arrayed against us. The differences among
us, which our opponents have regarded as serious divisions, and to which they look with such fond expectations, will yield, we doubt not, to the dictates of prudence and a sense of political safety, and our free institutions long be preserved. The decided expression of the wishes ef the republican party, evinced through their representatives in the Convention, induces us to cal culate with confidence on your acceptance of the nomination which we are appointed to make known to you, With sentiments of personal respect, we are your fellow-citizens. ROBERT LUCAS, President. P. W. 1)ANIEL,
A. S. CLAYTON, J KINDERhook, Aug. 3d, 1832. Gentlemen: I have had the honor to receive your communication, advising me of my nomination, by the Convention recently assembled at Baltimore, as a candidate for the office of Vice President of the United States. Previously to my departure from this country, my name had been frequently mentioned in connexion with that office.
wise have been, I cannot hesitate as to the course which it now becomes me to pursue, and I therefore cheerfully consent, that the favorable opinion expressed by your constituents be submitted to the more deliberate judgment of the American people. That those who entertain the same general opinions in regard to the principles on which Government ought to be administered, should sometimes disagree both as to measures and to men, especially in a country whose interests are so diversified as our own, is to be expected. It is to be hoped, however, that nothing will occur to impair the harmony and affection which have hitherto bound together, in one political brotherhood, the republicans of the north and south, the east and the west; and which, by cementing their union and securing their concerted action, have heretofore contributed so largely to the welfare of the nation. The differences to which you have alluded, grow out of circumstances not easily controlled; yet I cannot but concur with you in the belief that they may be overcome, if our efforts are conceived in a generous spirit of conciliation, accompanied by a sincere determination not to suffer its operations to be counteracted by personal prejudices or local interests. That such efforts will be made in every quarter of the Union, is not to be doubted, and we have therefore no occasion to despair of the safety or permanence of our free institutions. It is also most fortunate for Ithe country, that our public affairs are under the direction of an individual peculiarly qualified by his early and inflexible devotion to republican principles, and by that moral courage which
distinguishes him from all others, to carry the nation triumphantly through the dif
This, however, ficulties by which it is encompassed. Thorough
was not done with my approbation; on the con-lly convinced that the stability and value of our