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faction, as the harbingers of better times, and as leading to a more auspicious consummation: and more especially ought we to be inspired with confidence, when it is recollected that these reformations were effected, although they were opposed, to the utmost, by the firmest-ealots in the cause of protection, and altho' the bill which contained them was voted against by six of our own delegation in the House of Representatives. If thus much was achieved against obstacles so formidable, the hope is proportionably flattering, that those who are wil. ling to sacrifice the pride of opinion, and the lust of power, to a spirit of amity and compro

mise, and to lay their resentments, and passions,

and prejudices, upon the altar of their common country, will accomplish greater objects by their judicious and persevering appeals, addressed to the reason, good sense, and realinterests of the community. By honest axertions thus directed, it may well be anticipated that

the delusions which have been created by a selfish theory will be dispelled that the revenue, at no distant period, will be limited to the

proper expences of the Government; that the tariff will be so regulated, as equally to dif. fuse its burthens and its blessings among a free, a prosperous, and a united people. When a career has been opened which may carry us to the goal at which we would arrive, shallowe falter in the course which we have commenced; shall we stop short in the progress to which we are invited; shall we, supinely, slumberonour posts, when the victory may be won by discretion and per-everance Shall we, instead of availing ourselves of that “tide in the affairs of men, which, taken at the flood, leads on to prosperous fortune,” abandon whatever is deat to us as patriots, whatsoever renown we have derived from our ancestors, whatsoever of glory we have acquired abroad, and whatsoever of liberty and happiness we have enjoyed at home, and rashly barter away these inestimable treasures, to plunge into the vortex of nullification? Small we yield ourselves to be entangled in the

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mazes of political abstraction, which is either say, that in taking the o o n so subtile or so paradoxical as to mock the un-done, I was well aware that o ". derstanding, or so false and so pernicious as to accordance with the know" o on lead us into error and danger? shall we, with stituents generally throug" our senses awakened, and out faculties roused, must at the same time o - | and our vigor unimpaired, marchitamely under no means prepared for to " . the banners of those, who, while they profess enthusiastic burst of o to put down usurpation, themselves usurp as have been greeted from the no o power paramount to the constitution and the seaboard. I shall retain to ". o laws; who, while they proclaim that they will deepfelt and overwhelmo

emancipate us from federal oppression, by a peaceful, efficient, and legitimate remedy, would reduce useither to the alternative of submitting to the government which we resisted, or of seceding from the Federal Union? The

on should we adopt the other, the United States, from the imperious dictatos of selode. fence, would prescribe to us such terms as ould prevent them from being injured by out *** commercial laws and regulations; and to deliver ourselves from on of our

at my reception in

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publicly to present o

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true character of the no

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o condition in which the south has been placed
by its passage, yet it may perhaps not be
on deemed inappropriate to this occasion, to offer
to some additional observations. My vote against
to the new tariff was mainly influenced by a con-
o viction that it embraced not only a distinct re-
o ognition of the principle of protection, but that
on it carried out that principle in its most objec-
tionable form, by making so broad and onwar-
no ol; a discrimination between what are
called the enorecton and the usemorrorso

anticos, as to show a fixed and settled pur-
pose of relieving the latter entirely from taxa-
tion, and throwing the whole burden of sup-

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orting the Government upon the former. If moveable foundation.
could have been satisfied that all the state-national debt was a most interesting crisis in
ents which have been made as to the aggre-lour affairs, and one not likely to occur again.
e reduction of duties, were perfectly co-The country was now to be relieved from a de-
rect, I should, for this reason alone, have stillmand upon its Treasury equal to $12,000,000
so against the bill. From the moment the per annum, and if this was not to be followed

it was left to them by the southern members to say what was a fair revenue duty. Any scheme, therefore, by which the tariff was to be so adjusted as to keep up the duties on the protected articles at 40 or 50 per cent, while the duties on the unprotected articles were to be carried down to 5 or 10 per cent., or to be entirely repealed, could not have received my support, for besides that such an arrangement of the tariff obviously increased the inequality and aggravated the injustice of which we had so long and so loudly complained, it was impossible not to perceive that it was calculated to establish the protecting system on an imThe extinction of the

American system became the subject of serious by a corresponding reduction of the duties on

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ly for the protection of domestic manufactures.

o dispute, the point on which the whole contro-the protected as well as the unprotected arversy has turned, has been, whether duties notticles, if by a new and uncalled for extension necessary for revenue should be imposed mere- of the appropriations, or by a total repeal of

the taxes on the unprotected articles, high du

Bainst duties imposed for revenue, not one|ties on the protected articles should be render

o word of objection has ever been urged. Theed necessary to meet the expenses of the Go

*** south did not complain that teas, and wines, no silks, and laces, spices, velvets and jewellery, medio had duties imposed upon them to raise a revenue onto for the support of Government, and the payno ment of the public debt, but that sugar and condo salt, woollens, cottons, iron, and other similar

articles, had duties imposed upon them beyond the revenue standard, and for the avowed pur

the American manufacturer of similar articles. It was because the cotton, rice, and tobacco of

meth. the south were exchanged in European markets ord so for the very articles thus exorbitantly taxed, in o order to secure to our rivals an advantage in

o our own markets, that we protested against the imposition of these protecting duties, as an act o of the grossest injustice towards us, rendering m o in eleco our industry tributary to the industry o of others. In this spect of the question, it is * . |- manifest, that nothing short of the present or o - nospective abandonment of this system, by o o bringing down the protecting duties to the true th o o so could possibly satisfy the o lost claims of the south. According to my o o views of this great question, it would have been o *ly impossible for me to have given my so on to any bill, which proposed to arrange to houses after to paymon pool, o o - * in effect to relieve the unprotected articles o on totion, while the duties on the protectinto - ed *ticles were to remain substantially undio unished. A careful examination of the condiso on of our finances had satisfied me that duties uno "os rom 124 to 15 per cent would, under * **m of free trade, have been abundantly o suicient, with the other sources of revenue, of oil the necessary expenses of Govern. to This indeed was admitted by the tariff othemselves, on several occasions during the lost session of congress, and especially in o oxing the duty on indigo at 15 per cent, when o

pose of affording protection, as it was called, to

vernment, it was perfectly obvious that no further reduction on those articles could be rea

of the public debt had, by common consent, been looked to as the period when the policy of the country, in reference to this great question, was to be permanently fixed and the question settled for ever. Since my return home, I have seen it frequently asserted in the public prints that the new bill must be regarded by us as the first step towards further concessions on the part of the manufacturers; a sort of “entering wedge,” by which the system is in the end to be split to pieces, and I am aware that it is on this ground that it is supported by some, who profess an unalterable determination not permanently to submit to the protective system. On this point, I can only say that the bill did not come to me recommended by any vain expectations of that sort. No promises of further reductions, as far as I know or believe, were held out by the tariff party in Washington or elsewhere; nor do I remember ever to have heard a single supporter of the system, in Congress, or out of it, utter one word to encourage the hope that, at

system was to be abandoned, or a further reduction made on the protected articles. From the commencement of the discussion in the Senate, up to the debate on the final passage of the bill, the language of Mr. Dickerson, Mr. Clay, and the other supporters of the system. dustinctly and uniformly was, that the protective system was to be maintained unimpaired; and they supported the bill on its final passage, expressly on the ground that it amounted, in the emphatic language of Mr. Clay himself, “to a u-E-R, Distinct, AND 1xpropur-BLE ADMI5stox or ran raisciple or enorection.” Let these facts be taken in connexion with the fol

sonably expected, especially as the payment

any future day, however distant, the protecting

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746 united states weekly telegraph

lowing distinct declaration of the secretary of gulating and controlling the whole on the Treasury, in the report which accompanied capital of the country" must inevito his bill, viz.: “an opinion has been heretofore the federative character of our Governo. expressed by the undersigned in favor of a pros-Foerect upon its ruins one great to pective and gradual reduction of the existing despotism without limitation of own duty on articles embraced by the protective rapid have been the advances mool system; but it has been departed from in the years towards this end, that it is a no bill in deference to respectable opinions from truth, that in many parts of our on to other quarters, but principally from what is un-people have had their eyesoco derstood to be the wish of the manufacturers towards the Federal Governmento themselves, who prefer a system ecosyst in fic source of bounties and the go its character to one oranor to change"—and of “the spoils,” whether of Polo can any candid man say that there remains alor of partiallegislation, that to “loop on which to hang a doubt.” It is clear to be the prevailing opinion. ho that the new bill can only be regarded as a set-la consolidated Government to tlement of the question, and that so far as con-standin the same relation to o gress is concerned, it must now be regarded assas a county or parish to the so o *the settled policy of the country.” In thisła part; that “the will of the mono opinion, gentlemen, six of your Representatives preme law.” and both of your Senators, have concurred, in- Whatever difference of opinio cluding one. (Mr. Nuckolls) long a member of to the rate of duties, or the mountso the Union Party, who had cherished the most under the new bill, thereo o sanguine hopes, even to the last, and until they neral character. It is writteninoo were finally extinguished by his own observa'it is a higu Paotectivoro on to on tion and experience. If we are mistaken into be the leading feature of o the opinion which we have formed on this sub-after the final extinguishmento ject, then have I been an attentive observer. While the duties on the o of passing events in Washington for the last under the new bill to be mo o eight years, to very little purpose. I have seen greatly exceeding o throughout the whole o period, during on the unprotected articlesio which three successive tariffs have been enact below that standard, and to o us ed, a constant increase of strength on the part have been entirely repo so. olo - - - ... . to to of the supporters of the American system; 1ble of the leading * o in no have seen them making steady advances to-heads, will exhibit this: o wards the consummation of their policy; I have comment unnecessary seen the leaders of political parties struggling Table of duties undo off. for power by courting the favor of the support. ers of that system; I have seen influential men enorected anticles. o opposed to the system in principle, carried away Woollen Cloths, except So on by the current of popular opinion, and excusing Plains, &c. under 35 ". In their apostacy on the ground that the system cents, 50 perco was established, and it was useless any longer Cottons, average duo o' to resist it. Seeing all these things passing be: .45 percent o fore my very eyes; witnessing the almost daily so finest 32p Coso

enlargement of the power, and extension of the Bockings o: o

patronage of the Federal Government, accom. Baizes o
panied by a disgraceful scramble for the public." Wool, except coo o o
money; finding that the appropriations of the est, 70 per ceno o o
last year had exceeded by several millions the Floor claihs, on some * mono
ordinary expenditures of the oment; that goalloo, ""
a proposition to divert 33,500,000 of the pub-Isos, rolled, upwards. o
lic revenue, (now derived from the public of 100 per ct: . o o
lands,) to purposes of Education, internal in Hardware, 25 to 300 o o
provement, and Colonization, had actually suc- per cent. o o -

ceeded in one House, and was clearly destinedosugar, brown, 83 per o o to succeed in both; I have found it impossible cent- - o to resist the conviction, that the American sys-Sal, from 50 to up- o tem has triumphed by the complete establish: wards of 100 perco o - *ent of its pernicious principies; principles spruits, 150 per to: which I do most conscientiously believe, must gardage, 80 per co

no eventually lead to the establishment of a con-Lead, 114 per co- o solidated Government, to the entire annihila-Paper, 91 prict. o

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under the new bill will probably not fall far short of $12,000,000.

'000,000, and the duties'

pers, chamomile flow-
ers, coriander seed,
cantharides, castanas,
catsup, chalk, coculus
indicus, coral, dates,
filberts, filteringstones,
frankincence, grapes,
gamboge, hemlock,
henbane, horn plates
for lanterns, ox horns,
other horns and tips,
India rubber, ipecacu-
ana, ivory unmanufac-
tured, juniper berries,
musk nuts of all kinds,
olives, oil of juniper,
paintings, & drawings,
rattans unmanufactur-
ed, reeds unmanufac-

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tured, rhubarb, rotten
stone, tamarinds, tor-
toise shell, &c. &c. &c.

all free. -
To exhibit clearly the true character of this
bill, I will here state, that taking the whole im.
portation of the year 1830, ($58,130,629,) it
appears from Colonel Drayton's own statement,
that $29,120,626 were of protected articles,
leaving for the unprotected and free articles
$29,010,046—on which there will be levied,
under the new bill, a nett revenue (after deduct-
ing drawbacks, adding the duties omitted, and
the valuation of the pound sterling) on the pro-
tected articles of $10,224,595, and on the un-
protected and free articles of only $3,227,353.
A statement, with which I have been furnished

exhibiting this result, is hereto annexed.T Putting out of view other clear indications of the spirit by which the late Congress was animated in the arrangement of the tariff, there were four distinct propositions made by myself in the Senate—all cordially and zealously supported by the southern members—the fate of

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*These consist of over-estimates of reductions enwool. leotion bagging, twist, yarn, hardware, &c. Col. Drayton makes this amount greater, but this ari ses from his having taken from the gross amount of du*** which had been added the change in the pound *Tog, the duties on the protected articles, without add. ing thereto the change intlo pound sterling.

which left not a shadow of doubt in my mind as to the real sentiments of the tariff party, or the principles intended to be embodied in the new bill. The first was my amendment to Mr. Clay's resolution, which I proposed to bring down the duties gradually to the revenue standard, adjusting them on the protected and unprotected articles on principles of perfect equality. My proposition was treated by the tariff party as a scheme to destroy the manufacturers, by pledging Congress to the ultimate abandonment of the protecting system, which it was declared had become the settled policy of the country. It was said that while an immediate reduction to the revenue standard would be “sudden destruction to the manufacturers,” a gradual reduction would be “a slow poison” and my proposition was rejected. ... My next motion was, to add to the clause of the bill imposing a duty of 16 cents a yard upon flannels, a Paoviso that the duty should in no case exceed 50 per cent. I had in my possession documents derived from mercantile men, who had long been engaged in the sale both of the foreign and domestic article, showing that flannels of the description used by the great mass of the laboring people in both countries, could

be purchased in England at 8 cts, equal to 10 or 12 cts, the square yard, making the proposed duty on coarse flannels used by the poor 160 per cent, while on the finest description|of flannels used by the rich, the duty was but 32 per cent. Yet this proposition was rejected, on the ground that a duty of 50 per cent was insufficient for the effectual protection of the American manufacturer of flannels, while the discrimination between the fine and the coarse article was justified on the ground that it was the coarse flannels which were chiefly manufactured this country. I was unable to construe this vote in any other way than that the protecting system was to be maintained inviolate, however unjustly, unequally, and oppressively it might operate upon the community; for surely if there be any one article in the whole catalogue of our domestic and foreign productions which the people at large, and especially the poor have a right to obtain, subject to the smallest possible amount of taxation, it is an article like flannels, which is essential to the comfort, health and safety of their families; an article too, in relation to which, the manufacturers had long enjoyed a complete monopoly, and must have acquired skill from ample experience. It is true that the duty on this article has been reduced from 22 to 16 cents, but on the coarse flannels this reduction is merely nominal, the duty still exceeding 100 per cent. and being actually prohibitory, and surely, it can make no difference whether prohibition be effected by a duty of 50 or 200 per cent. My next proposition was to strike out that fraudulent device, the minimums on cottons, by which an article costing 5 or 6 cents a yard, woo “be deemed and taken to have cost 35 cents,

and to pay duty accordingly. My collogo

Mr. McDuffie had attempted the same thing"

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the other House, confining his motion to those coarse cottons only which Mr. Appleton and others had declared could enter into successful competition with British cottons in all the markets of the world, and which of course no longer stood in need of protection at home. It has been asserted that in the new bill “the minimum principle has been given up.” This however is not the case. On woodLEN goons the minimums have been abolished, and an equivalent advantage secured or intended to be secured to the manufacturers, by inflicting upon the importers of this article, the grievous imposition of cash duties, by a change in the valuation of the pound sterling, (a measure by the bye bearing with peculiar hardship upon the trade with England,) and by increasing the duty upon woollens costing more than 35 cents, from 45 to 50 per cent. But with regard to corrows, the minimums have been retained, and yet with regard to this article, it was not pretended to be denied that, from the skill acquired, the command of the raw material at the

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cheapestrates, the time had come, if it was ev. er to arrive, when the minimum principle (under which the duties ran up to upwards of 100 per cent.) might be safely abolished. My motion to strike out the minimums on cottons, (which would have left the duty on that article at 25 per cent,) was accompanied by a provision that the duty on raw cottons should be reduced to 15 per centum ad valorem— a motion which I was induced to make in order to show to our opponents that we claimed no protection for this great staple of the south, be: yond that which was to be derived from free trade and unrestricted industry. My motion failed entirely. It was said that though course cottons did not stand in need of any protection at this time, yet it was wise “to keep up the fences,” by which a ruinous foreign competition might be kept out. In this vote, I thought I saw unequivocal indications of a fixed and settled purpose on the part of our opponents never to suffer any, even of the outworks of their system to be demolished. My last proposition was, that a general proviso should be inserted at the end of the bill, declaring that the duties imposed by it, should in no case exceed one hundred per cent. I know that the principle on which the tariff party in Congress were acting, was, that “adequate protection” was to be afforded, no matter at what cost. My object in making this motion, therefore, was to obtain a recognition of the principle, that if any manufacture could not be carried on without a Protecting duty exceeding one hundred percent, that it was not the policy of the country that it should be sustained, or that our opponents should be driven to the distinct assertion of the ontrary principle; and to the admission at the *. time of the fact that there were manufac. o o old enjoy a protection of more o 0 per cent, under the new bill, and to ed o * of protection was deen: *Pensable. As my proviso could only

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the rate of protective dution of revenue to be oted that some changes should ho parts of the system where o cularly obnoxious-that o esced in this o o

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*Perate on cases of this desco - scription, there could o - - - f course being Possible objection to it in any

compact, expro implied

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