VOL. VI...........

.$2.50 PER ANNUM..... BY DUFF GREEN. .....

.No. 28

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If you will not grant relicf,
Add not mockery to my grief--
By arguing, with logic vain,
That I've no reason to complain.

Brother! brother!--take my word,
You trust too much to what you're heard);
You're not so thin--you grumbling sinner!
But that you might have been inuch thinner.
As for the burthen on your back-
I could convince you, in a crack,
That thet is nothing but a hol
Got up by interested folks;
So pr’ythee, brother, don't complain
Nor spend your breath in murmurs vain.

Now hark'ye, brother-and let shame
Confound you, as I speak that name:
"Tis not the "word of folks” I take-
I feel the load-my shoulders ache!
Who, that has eyes, but must descry
The difference 'twixt you and I?
But, if yo.. mean not to deceive---
If your own preaching you believe,
and argue not from wilful guile,-
Just take the load yourself awhile-
And I will cease my mournful strain,
And smile to hear you not complain.

South. Pretty logic, truly that, When daily you increase in fat; Whilst I, with every coming day, Am going Calvin Edson's way. Splenlid clothes your limbs investI, in squalid mags, an drest; I have burthens-you have none, Yet you say, we are but one!

and me.


from all projects of violent resistance to the Why, brother, as for that, you see

laws." There are great odds 'twixt you

We extract it that we may contradict, in the To change with you, I am not loath, most unqualified terms, every inference which Only, I fear, 'twould hurt us both. the writer bas drawn. Nullification is not about I am by nature, weak-you, strong, - to evaporate. It is about to be put into seTo change our states were therefore wrong. cessful operation. The l'elegrapta was het e A burthen, which would only be

riginally got up for the purpose of embodyinga A joke to you—were death to me! southern party round Mr. Calhoun. It was fei But, wherefore from the subject run? up to maintain the principles which Gen ductI say again, we are but one;

son was pledged to support, and for the vials. That all things, rightly understood, tion of which it now opposes his re-ekesian. Are for our mutual harm or good; Mr. Calhoun did not take advantage of soubera The fact is as the noonday, plain,

hostility to protective duties, to come forwurd So cease, dear brother, to complain. as the representative of the anti-tariff systet

Seeing that sectional interests and local politics South.

had become enlisted on this question, Mr. Cala Brother, I prize as much as you,

houn, although earnestly ditreated by many The bond which makes us one, of two

friends, resused to permit his name to be plazAnd I am willing to sustain

ed before the public as a candidate, upon the Much wrong, that we may one remain.

ground that the tendency of that measure would But, oh! remember, brother mine,

be to enlist those who are opposed to the tarifi Patience may cease to be divine,

in a contest for the Presidency, when their And may become that earthly vice,

whole energy

should be directed to the much Which men have branded cowardice; The virtue I have practis'd long,

more important question of a repeal of unjust, Have bow'd beneath a load of wrong;

unequal, and unnecessary taxation. It is not

true that dir. Calhoun hoped to act on the seats The vice, whatever fate I share,

of Congress, unless it be meant, tbat he hoped I cannot-and I will not bear,

to convince a majority, by nullification, that Union I love, to adoration; Death, rather than Consolidation!

they had not the power to enforce an unconstie

tional and oppressive law, agains: the will of a We have received a copy of tire State Her.

sovereign State.

It is not true that the measure of redress at ald, published at Portsmouti, New Hampshire; it contains an article of which the following is

vocated by Mr. Calhoun and his fellow lealthe introductory part:

ers" has failed; nor is it true that they feel that "THE W'asdixGTOS TELEGRAPI-Southern they are placed in a preposterous dileons. Politics-- Messrs. Culhoun and Van Buren. - Mr. Calhoun and his fellow leaders, "Les Favorable augury may, we think, be drawslieve that a Siale has the constitutional power fro:n the late tone of the Washington Tele-to place her velo on an unconstitutional law of

We infer from it what we always look. Congress, and that in case such State, by the ed for, that nullification is about to evaporateand further, that it was originally got up for the requisite majority, declares a law of Cuegress purpose of embodying a southern pariy round to be unconstitutional and void, the Gererea Mr. Calhoun--that lie Wisk'advantage of the ment of the United States lias no other akterid southern hostility to protective duties to come forward as the representative of the anti-tariff' tive, but to abandon the law thus declared to še system--that it was hoped to act on the fears of unconstitutional, or to convene a convention of Congress, and thus to bully them into a repeal all the Slates, to decide whether the law be of tuese duties that this having failed, Mr. constitutional or not; and believing that pelit • Calhoun and his fellow leaders perceive the cation is a lawful and constitutivnal pracy preposterolis dilemma in which they have plac. ed themselves ---that to proceed to actual forcia against the tariff, and that the question of the ble nullification is to insure their own ruin—that propriety of the exercise of the power of the iley are unwilling to renounce the hope of pow. State tu nullifé yılepends upon the people of er that a connexion for that purpose between such state, Mr. Calboun, and his friends in Calhoun and Jackson is out of the questionthat a union with Mr. Clay is Calhoun's only re. South Carolina, having appealed in vain to the sort for future power—and that this can be intelligence and justice of Congress, bure of brought about only by disconnecting himself pealed to the intelligence and patriotism of the


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people of South Carolina; and instead o find the people or to the States, respectively, it foling theinselves in a dilemma, they find the peo- lows that if Congress attempts to pass an unple of that State rallying around the standard constitutivnal law, or a law which it was not inof nullification, confident that it will prove to tended that it should have the power to enact, be a peaceful and efficient repeal of the op. each State, quoad that law, has the same power pressions of the tariff.

that it possessed before the adoption of the con.

stilution. The General Government is the crea. We know that it has been said that nullifica

ture of the States; it was created by the States, tion is revolutionary. That it will lead to civil war!! How can it do so? All that South Caro- third of the people of the United States, can al

three-fourths of the States, being less than one. lina asks, is a repeal of the tariff, or else a con

ter the constitution at will; and it is, therefore, vention of all the States to decide the question all a delusion 10 suppose that ours is a governof power. South Carolina denies that Con

ment of a majority of the people. It is a gov. gress has the power to lay and collect taxes for ernment of united States, not a government of any other than revenue purposes. A majority united people. This, then, is not a question of in Congress liave said that they possess the what ibe powers of the Federal Government power to lay and collect taxes for the encore

ought to be, but it is a question of what the pow. ragement of anufactures. South Carolina

ers of the Federal Government ure. If, in adopt. denies, first, that the ineasure is wise, and next, ing the federal constitution, South Carolina has she denies the power of Congress to do s), if it

reserved to herself the right to nullify an un. be wise. Here a question arises between the constitution:s? law, then she has the right to do State and the Federal Government, a3 to the

so, and her patriotic citizens who urge nullifica. powers of the Federal Government. Who is

tion against what they bel eve to be unconstituto decide? The advocates of the tariff say the tional, unjust, oppressive taxation, are mainsupreme court. But South Carolina says that

taining the right which she refused to give up, she was a State before the adoption of the fede when she became : member of the Union. ral constitution; that she did not cease to be a whereas, if she did grant the power contended Stale because of the adoption of the Federal for by the tariff States, all these bave to do is, Government; that by assenting to the federal

to calla convention of all the States to decide compact, she gave up no more to that govern- the question. That convention, when assem. ment, than was granted by the constitution: hled, will have power either to say that the that the constitution gave no power to the su

power to prolect manufactures, by high duties, preme court, which is the creature of the Fed has been granted; or to grant the power if they eral Government, to decide questions of political deem it expedient. In this way the question power which may arise between her and the may be adjusted without civil war, and without Federal Government. But s. Carolina says that ruin 10 any interest. It is thus (liat nullificathe constitution has provided that a convention tion is a peaceful remedy; and it is thus that nul. of all the States may amend the constitution, lification would preserve our glorious Union. and that such a convention, being thus empow. But 10 return to the question of the veio pow. ered, can take cognizance of the question of

That power has been given 10 a single in. the powers of the Federal Government, and dividual

, and the abuse of a power is no argudispuse of all cloubt by enlarging, confirming, ment against the wisdom of granting it. 10 or denying, the disputed or doub'ful power.

is a sufficient answer to those who deny that But does one say will you give to a single the little State of Delaware has the power to Stute, Delaware, (for instance,) the power 10 veto an unconstitutional lw, to say that the set aside a law when all the other States are in little State of Delaware, as to all the purposes favor of it. We answer no. We will give no of legislation, as well as in the adoption of the new power to any State. The question is not, Federal Constitution, has as much political pow. whether we would grant a new power to aer as the empire State of New York; and that State; it is what power has the State reserved!! it is apparent that when the States consented Each State, before the adoption of the Federal to empower one individual to veto an act of Constitution, had the power to velo a resolve Congress, unless it was passed by a majority of of Congress, and as all powers not delegated by two-thirds of both Houses, the little State of the constitution to the Gencral Government or Delaware, having as great a voice in the matter inhibited by it to the States, were reserved to as the great State of New York, (she being


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equally represented in the Senate,) it is appa. South Carolina will not proceed to a foreik rent that, if she did not provide in the Constitu- nullification," because nullification is not a fost tion,an express grant of the same power for her cible remedy; but she will as certainly adopt self, it was because no power was delegated but " practical" nullification, as that her legislature that which was expressly granted or inhibited; meets. and it follows, there being no inhibition, the As to the suggestion that Mr. Calhoun and power of the veto appertains to the sovereignty his leading friends, are unwilling to renounce of the State. Aor can those who insist that all hope of power, and that, their corneska this is a Government of united people, instead of with General Jackson being dissolved, taey a Government of united States, argue that the adopt a union with Mr. Clay, as the rescit fer States who formed the Constitution gave (more future power; the answer is, that iad these power to one individual than they were willing object been future power, they would bare should be retuined to three-fourths, or, two-thirds identified themselves with the strongest interof the people of a State.

est; and they, instead of Ritchie, and Drayton

, But do we hear the advocates of the tariff and Mitchell, and their associates, would bare say that they will not call a convention of all been the apologists of the tariff! the States, because they cannot obtain, in such No. Mr. Calhoun and his friends hare foraconvention, the requisite majority? We re-ed no union with Mr. Clay; not even for the ply, what will you do? South Carolina does purpose of defeating the re-electioa of General not propose to declare war against the United Jackson. South Carolina will not vote for Mr. States. Will the advocates of the tariff insist Clay. So far from regulating our course by upon Congress declaring war against South Ca. the advice of South Carolina friends, the editor rolina, because she believes the tariff to be un- of the l'elegraph has acted without their know. constitutional, and therefore resists it? If Con. ledge, and entirely independent of their opi. gress declares war against South Carolina, the nions. He has acted upon the dictate of bis fault will be on Congress, and not on South Ca. OxT judgment, and regardless of the effect rolina. But no one can for a moment suppuse which it may have on Me. Calhoun's future that any citizen would be in favor of a prospects. Should it tend 10 depress that vio civil war, when it could be avoided by a con- tuous and enlighened citizen, it will be a source vention of delegates from all the States. Do of deep regret; but, even then, te will be canwe not see convention upou convention assem-soled by the consciousness that he has acted bled for the purpose of promoting the election from the higher impulse of public duty, of a party leader? Who then can suppose that This is, perhaps, a proper time also to saf, any citizen will prefer civil war to a convention that disapproving, as we do, of the leading of delegates, deputed by all the States to disa measures of policy which Mr. Clay is pledged la cuss and settle this question of disputed pow- support

, we do not enter the lists as his parisan. er?

of the candidates before the public, we prefer It is because we believe that no American cit. Mr. Wirt; but we do nos conceive it to izen would advocate civil war, when it could be our duty to, advocate the election of eitäer. be so easily prevented; and that we believe nul. We advocate reform-we oppose extravagance, lification is a peaceful remedy; and it is because unnecessary, taxation, and corrnp:ion; aul ve we believe that the states have not delegated will do this, whoever may be President, this power to the Supreme Court, that we are Our position is extraordinary; but, for the in favor of a convention; and it is because the great object of REFORM, it is doubly efficient. majority who are in favor of the law, will nou He is short-sighted, in:leed, who forgets the otherwise call a convention; and because we future in the petty contest for present power. can see no other means of redress against un- We laisor for our country, and our highest a 4constitutional oppressions, that we are in favor bition is to proinote her future interests and of this exercise of one of the reserved rights of prosperity. If this press were to enter the the States. South Carolina has made up her lists as the advocate of Mr. Clay, it would be mind to test the question of power. Mr. Cal-going over from one party, that it coudemus do houn is ready to go with her through the con another, which it disapproves; whereas, by leayflict, and he would be unworthy of her favor if ing the selection of a candidate to the people he was not. He is, therefore, in no dilemma. themselves and making war upon the sduzet

Yet we find him thing.

practised by men in office, we release our press Whenever the venerable editor of the Trichfrom party shackles, and obtain a moral in- mond Enquirer finds himself unable to answer Auence, which, to be preserved, requires a the arguments of an adversary, he folds himsteady adherence to the same great principles; self in his consequence, and affects to have disbut which, if preserved, cannot fail to have an covered something disreputable in the characimportant bearing on the administration of ter of his cotemporary. This is the common public affairs, let who may be President resort of ignorance and co:vardice. Thus, by

Thus General Jackson came into power, wa y of casting a reproach on this press, he pledged to reform the administration of public says, "when could it have been expected, that affairs. He came into power pledged to re- such editors as D. Green and J. W. Webb, strain those abuses of federal patronage, which would 'pig together in the same truckle hed!it was believed had brought the influence of the This may be a refined sentiment. We suppose Government to bear on the freedom of elec. some will think so, since it appears editorially tions. He was pledged against any attempt to in the Richmond Enquirer; but it proves nonominate his successor. openly in the field of politics, devoting all his

When the editor of the Courier and Enquiinfluence, 'all his patronage, alcfiis popularity,

rer was rendering himself so supremely ridicuto the selection of a successor. It is to pre

lous, by his idle gasconade and empty boastvent the consummation of this unholy coalition, ings, he found an apologist in the purlite Mr.

Thomas Ritchie. If our memory serves us, the intended to corrupt the fountains of the public

Curnel addressed a loving letter of explanation will, that we oppose his re-election. It is to no.

to his faithful brother of the Richmond Enquitify the people of the corrupt ends, aud practices of those who bave abused his name and popu. especial benefit of the good people of Virginia,

rer; wbich was accordingly published, for the farity, that we have entered the canvass. The

What has Mr. Webb done since, that he should people gained a glorious triumph when they

be avoided as a "moral pestilence?" Has he elected Gen. Jackson. We call upon them to

been brihed to support the bank? No. If brib. Tally again for a much greater triumph in de.

ed at all, it was done before, and it has since feating him. If it was important to show to the

been repaid; he has disgorged t'ie bribe, if world that the people of the United States

one had been given. This, then, is not the would not ratify a coalition between minorities,

cause why Mr. T. R. is no longer "pigging headed by influential {eaders, intended :0 Irans- with him in the same truckle bed." He has fer their votes, and perpetuate its power by an deserted Jackson! Aye, there's the rub,! If abuse of the patronage of the Government, it is Webb had quietly pocketed the charge of bridoubly important that we should now exhibit a bery—if he had continued to "pig" in the same much more sublime and imposing spectacle, by stie with Thomas Ritchie, he would have been withdrawing our confidence and our suffrage

gentleman! But as he has refused tv admit from a popular President, who, seduced by that he was bribed, that is proof that he was Alatterers, and betrayed by a false estimate of bribed, and that his press is venal and corrupt; the character and intelligence of the people, and that all other editors who are opposed supposes that he can practice, with impunity, to the re-election of Gen. Jackson are also that, for the suspicion of which his predecessor corrupt! This may be logic in Mr. Ritchie's was condemned.

school; ibis may satisfy Virginians now; but Il we defeat the coalition of Andrew Jackson the time once was, when they would go a little and Martin Van Buren, no President will dare farther, and ask Mr. R. to explain how it could violaze his pledges-no President, for many be that Webb was, if Noah was not, also brib. vears at least, care attempt to appoint his suc-ed; and how is it, that three-fourths of the

This is the great object which we revenite of the United States is committed to have in view. We therefore wish it to be dis- the care of a man, who was bribed to sell his tinctly understool, that we have formed no principles and his character, by the paltry sum union with Mr. Clay, or any other leader; and (of seven thousand five hundred dollars! The when we call upon all mell, every where, to first loan from the bank, which it is charged was unite against the re-clec'iun of General Jack- the bribe that bought the Courier and Enquison, we do so because we are convinced thatfrer, was $15,000, and Webb and Noah were that is now our highest duty.


It is clear, that if, as the Globe

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