We forget: We should remember that there are some men to whom the will of the President, promulgated through the Globe, is law. We "would rather be a dog, and bay the moon, than such a Roman." the following extract from an editorial article in the Telegraph, of Sept. 20th: 1830, viz.: "Is the [National] Intelligencer a free press? Could it live one single week, if it were not fed by the Bank of the United States? Has not the senior editor retired into the country to a splendid house, built for him by the bank? Is not the office in which the Intelligencer is printed Amos Kendall is the writer of the articles the property of the bank? Can such a press which appear in the Globe under the caption of be free? Its conductors are incapable of apthe "Veto and the Bank." So long as he made preciating the lofty and elevated sentiments, war upon his quondam friend and allies of the the spirit of freedom, and the pride of independence which should make the conductors of public press equal to the highest offices, and eligible to the most exalted stations in our Government. Well may SUCII HIRELINGS exone of his Secretaries should converse with au press their astonishment that the President and editor.' a "Mr. Gales felt this attack, and produced, in reply, a letter from the Cashier of the United States Branch Bank in this city, showing that he had recently paid the bank, by property sold, or as Green more accurately says, "set off to the bank," the sum of $30,243 58; but he takes care not to state how much he was still indebted to that institution. In his paper of the 27th of September, Green uses the following language, viz.. Courier and Enquirer and the bank, we were content to leave him undisturbed in his labors; but he has appropriated his twelfth and part of his succeeding number to a libel on this press. As a general rule, it is improper to drag the private transactions of individuals before the public. It often happens that these, although in themselves altogether correct, are difficult of satisfactory explanation. But when an individual holds such a relation to the public, that they have a right not only to know his opinions, but the sources from which they spring, then all the private relations which bear upon these opinions are fit subjects for public discussion and "The Intelligencer argues, because the investigation. Hence, so long as we hold the bank has not made advances in cash, since the relation of a public editor, we will invite rather 13th April, [1830,] that, therefore, it is not fed than object to any scrutiny which may test by the bank! What are the facts? Is not the the purity of our motives. It is much better tors to d their printing office, and the materials bank the privileged creditor? Do not the edithat charges affecting our character, or that of on which their paper is printed, in the right of our press, should be made in open day, than cir- the bank? The editors of the Intelligenculated, as some have been, in the shape of ser are the open advocates of the bank, always cret whispers. The charge which Mr. Kendall makes, is, that the President of the Bank of the United States has "purchased," aye, that's the word, the support of this press. Such being the charge, we will lay before our readers the ground on which it is made. Kendall says: FROM THE GLOBE OF THE 11th OF SEPTEMBER. "We propose to show: "1. That the editor of the Telegraph has proved, both by his precept and practice, that in his opinion, a press whose editor is heavily indebted to the Bank of the United States, is not a free press. 2. That, having publicly avowed these opinions, he asked and obtained a heavy loan from the Bank of the United States. 3. That he has ever since pursued that course which, under the circumstances of the case, is most conducive to the objects of the Bank of the United States. its ready organ, defending its abuses and magnifying its services. It has named it the People's Bank,' and has most grossly misrepresented the 'People's President' to serve it. We conceive it to be our duty to lay before the would lessen the influence which the Intelli'people' some of the facts, which, if known, gencer seeks to wield in behalf of the bank. The bank and the Intelligencer are public institutions. They are intimately, and, it appears, largely, connected. They have a common interest in sustaining each other; and our object in provoking the Intelligencer to the disclosure it has made, was to bring the fact of its heavy indebtedness to that institution before the public, that the people of this country may see the object which the bank has in sustaining that press, and the circumstances under which that press sustains the bank.’ "So far as the assertions of Mr. Green can go, our first point is made out. He declared the Intelligencer not a free press, because its editors were heavily indebted to the Bank, and that the payment of $30,000 had not set them free. That he was sincere in this opinion he prov "As a consequence of these facts, it willed by his own practice. In 1829, he had neappear that the Telegraph, in effect, belongs to gotiated a loan, we believe for $10,000, from the Bank. In proof of our first position, we begin with the Bank of the United States himself. In the fall of that year, he sought to be relieved from that liability for reasons which we will give in his own words. 1 He then says, "we have reason to believe that this object was not long afterwards fully ef"In the Telegraph of December 29th, 1830, may be found the following statements, viz: tected;" and quotes an extract from the Weekly "The editor has made an arrangement with Telegraph, of the 16th of December, 1829, the Bank of the United States to advance him, against the bank in proof of the assertion. upon a mortgage of real estate, a sum wanted Kendall here asserts that we had charged that to complete his arrangements as printer to Congress. After that arrangement was made, a press whose editor was heavily indebted to the he was induced to believe, that the discussion on bank was not a free press. We said no such the renewal of the charter, would come up earlier thing. We charged that the National Intellithan he had anticipated, he opened a negotiation gencer could not have lived a single week if it with a friend in New York, to raise the sum ne versation with the Cashier of the Bank of Alex cessary to discharge his debt to the Bank of the had not been fed by the bank. The man who United States. His clerk, charged with his con is indebted more than he can pay, is not a freefidential correspondence, knowing his views man. It gives us pleasure to say that, although appened in Alexandria, and in a casual con we believed such to be the condition of the Inandria,, was informed by the Cashier that the telligencer at that time, such is not its present money, in his opinion, could be obtained from condition, The liberality of Congress has, we that Bank. In the course of the negotiation thus elieve, made the editors independent, and we originated, more than a month after the trans- trust that they will profit by past experience. fer of the deposits to the Bank of the United States, the Editor became satisfied that his We did not know, nor did we ever pretend to notes, in case of a loan being made, would be speak of the manner in which the editors beeleced in the Bank of the United States for came indebted to the bank; their indebtedness collection, and the object for which the negotia- and their inability to pay, were notorious. Yet tion was begun being defeated, the proposition it was not the fact of their indebtedness, but of was withdrawn.' "In the same paper he publishes his letter their inability to pay, which we urged as a cirto the cashier, dated September 11th, 1829, cumstance to impeach their authority as the adwithdrawing the application, in which he vocates of the bank; and hence the argument, as applied to this press, fails. It is not even pre"My object in making an application to your bank for the proposed loan [$10,000] tended by Kendall that we owe the bank bewas to relieve myself from liability to the Bank yond our ability to pay. says: of the United States.'-'As I am induced to The manner in which our private affairs have believe, that the object of your bank is to ob- been treated by Kendall, the purpose for which tain such an arrangement as will place me more in the power of the Bank of the United States they have been thrown before the public, (for than I now am, and as I prefer that all my lia- his slanders are circulated in every press which bilities to that institution shall be direct, I have copies "by authority" from their polluted or to express my regret for the trouble I have gan,) justifies an explanation of our transac given you, &c.' "Green had procured a loan of $18,000 tions with the bank. from the Bank of the United States; he was After the organization of General Jackson's induced to believe the discussion, as to the re- first Cabinet, circumstances, which we may newal of the charter, would come up sooner than he had anticipated, he did not feel free to hereafter find it necessary to give in detail, indiscuss it; to make his press free, he sought duced us to call on him, and say that, finding in New York and in Alexandria the means to him surrounded by artful and intriguing mer restore its freedom, and withdrew his applica- who, under the guise of friendship and devotion from the Bank of Alexandria, because he discovered that the proposed loan would make tion to, him, were sowing the seeds of discord, him more dependent on the Bank of the United which, unless arrested by him, must end in States than he was before. rupture of the party, we were anxious to re"Green has, therefore, proved, both by his tire from the press. We had brought with us to precept and practice, that a press, whose Editor is heavily indebted to the Bank of the Uni- Washington available funds to the amount of ted States, is not a free press. $15,000, and which had been expended; we "It will be observed, that it was in Septem- had real estate which had cost about that sum; ber, 1829, that Green was seeking the emanci- we had invested about the same sum in type pation of his press from the Bank of the Uni ted States. We have reason to believe, that and materials for our office, and had just been his object was not long afterwards fully effect-elected printer to both houses of Congress; we had, also, about 7,500 subscribers, and the charges on our books were about forty thes ed." Such is the charge as stated in the Globe. sand dollars; the demand against the whole the fugleman for a powerful party, and writes were about thirty thousand. We told him state papers for Andrew Jackson!! We, therethat, as the press had been patronized by his fore, repel his calumny by a plain statement of That part of Mr. Biddle's testimony friends, we wished to dispose of it to one of facts. them, and that we would be content to relin- which is thus impeached, is as follows: "The loan to Mr. Duff Green was made unquish the whole for the sum which we had actually expended, and as much as would defray der the following circumstances: He was printhe expense of removing our family back to the ter to Congress, and had to provide materials west. He replied, that we had fought for our for executing his work by the meeting of Conposition, and were entitled to its advantages; gress. But as the Government does not make that he himself would see that the printing of advances, he wished to raise the funds by givall the Departments should be done at our of- ing drafts on the Clerk of the House of Reprefice, and that we must not sell. sentatives, accepted by him, and also a mortgage on some real estate." Upon this statement, Kendall says: "All the circumstances enumerated by Biddle are palpably false; and false reasons for a suspicious act are conclusive proof of conscious guilt." Under circumstances, it became necessary to build a printing office, and make large purchases of materials. To enable us to accomplish these objects, we made an arrangement for funds with the Branch Bank, and secured the payment by a pledge of real estate and a Were such charges made on the authority of bill upon the Clerk of the House, accepted by Amos Kendall alone, it would be an insult to the him. This was paid at maturity. But it is not hitherto unimpeached character of Mr. Bidtrue that we made an arrangement with any dle, to reply to them; but, as we have said, other person, to advance us money to emanci- he is the chosen organ of the President of pate our press, as alleged by Mr. Kendall. The the United States, who penned the veto mesarrangement in New York was undertaken by sage, and the oracle who is to defend it. His one of Mr. Van Buren's partisans, (Mr. J. A. charges have the sanction of the Executive, and Hamilton,) and we have no doubt failed, be- therefore, should be repelled. cause he had ascertained that this press could Mr. Biddle's letter, informing Judge Hempnot be purchased into Van Buren's support. The hill that our proposition had been accepted by debt to the bank was not cancelled, as he as- the bank, bears date on the 10th of February; serts, when our article of the 14th of Decemour election as printer to Congress, took place ber, 1829, was published. on the 2d Feb., 1831. The funds were wanted His premises having failed, his conclusions to enable us to make our arrangements for the fail with them. The fact that these paragraplis, present, and not for the Congress then in seswhich we believe are the most violent that we sion. So Mr. Biddle was understood by the ever penned against the bank, are quoted as committee, and by every one else, and yet, upproof that we were no longer indebted to it, on such grounds does Amos Kendall, under the when not one cent of our debt to the bank had sanction of the President of the United States, been paid at the date of their publication; is impute perjury to that distinguished citizen!! conclusive, that our indebtedness to that in- Mr. Kendall dwells much on the amount, stitution had no influence favorable to the bank, knowing that $20,000 will appear as on our opinions. large sum to many of his readers unacquainted Again, Mr. Kendall says, that in February, with the extent of our business. But large is 1831, we borrowed another sum of $20,000, and a comparative term. What would be large for urges that Mr. Biddle understood our applica- a farmer who lives within himself, would not be tion as a "proposition to convert the Telegraph so with us, and what would be large with our to the purposes of the bank, he gladly made limited means, would be small to others. This the purchase, and now, in devising reasons for compels us to speak of the extent of our busi it, he blunders like a half drilled witness." ness. a very The man who makes this assertion, was publicly Since this sum was borrowed from the bank, charged with perjury, by a respectable editor we have added, including a press now in the in Kentucky, and declined to put the issue up- hands of the manufacturer, more than fourteen on the verdict of an honest jury, although chal- thousand dollars worth of material, (in which lenged to do so!! But he is the Fourth Auditor, term paper is not included,) to our office. Our weekly payments for labor exceed eight hun most, who does the most to defeat the re-election "But the Telegraph has often, since the 8th of February, 1831, avowed its opposition to the avowed its friendship for Gen. Jackson. Some Bank! Yes, and since that day, it has also oftes times, and indeed almost always hypocrisy is the best means of serving a bad cause." (I thank thee for teaching me that word.) "To retain dent with some effect, it was necessary that the a particle of influence and strike at the Presi Telegraph should affect opposition to the bank. Hence, professing to be opposed to the bank, be the other. These quotations prove that the only ground bribery against the bank, of perjury against upon which Mr. Kendall rests his charge of Mr. Biddle, and of venality against our press, Jackson!! is our opposition to the re-election of General Let us examine this: the charge is, that the bank,in 1831, placed this press under obligation to oppose the re-election of General Jackson!! Will the re-election of Gen.Jackson prevent the rechartering of this bank, or if it does is he not in favor of the creation of a bank equally, œ more exceptionable? December last? Let it not be said that he has Our principal payments are to the persons in our employment, the paper maker,and the manOne of the principal objections urged by the ufacturers of printing materials. The first are President, as a ground for his veto, is that the necessarily paid weekly; the manufacturers sell people will be more fully represented in the next upon time, with a discount of five per cent. for Congress. Will he veto a bill passed by that cash. We found that, by borrowing $20,000, Congress after what he said in his message of we could make our purchases for cash, simplify our financial operations, and save at least four per cent. on our purchases. As these, in the course of the year,greatly exceeded the borrowed, the advantage of the arrangement, as a financial operation, is manifest. we were induced to make the application through Mr. Hemphill, because in a conversation with him he suggested that, owing to the state of the money market, at that time, the bank was anxious amount to lend, upon time, to solvent borrowers, and we fixed the time of payment, that it might be dis tinctly understood that the advantage was mutual. We made our profit in the discount on our purchases, and the bank made its profit in the interest which it received. constitutional objections. After what we have seen on the subject of internal improvements, there is no inconsistency which may not be redall represents it to be, the itching palm of conciled; and if the bank be as corrupt as Kenthose who, in that case would be worth a purchase, will be tickled. But even this would not be necessary. Should General Jackson be re-elected, his power over public sentiment will cease with the election-especially if Mr. Van Buren is tacked to him. Parties will immediately organize against Mr. Van Buren. Gen. Jackson will not be permitted to bring the patronage of the Go vernment in aid of Mr. Van Buren as his me cessor. Congress have no power to charter another bank during General Jackson's second term, and if it be granted that he can prevent a charter for the next four years, the fate of this Having thus disposed of the calumny, we avail ourselves of the opportunity which it presents, to speak of the Bank. Mr. Kendall says: "If engaged to serve the Bank, no man can doubt that the Telegraph would take the most bank, it having two years to wind up its affairs, effectual way to serve it. He serves the Bank will be decided by General Jackson's succes Are such expedients necessary to secure the re-election of Gen. Jackson!! No cause can sor. So that we affirm that, in the first place, the paltry consideration of a bank accommodait is not true that General Jackson is opposed to tion; that institution with bribery, and its Presia Bank of the United States. So far from being dent with perjury! opposed to such a bank, he tells Congress that if his opinion had been asked, he would have given the model of a charter which he would have prosper which employs such profligate means; approved! Our objections are to any bank and that nation is on the verge of ruin when having the dangerous powers of this institution. they are perpetrated with impunity by its General Jackson's plan, as far as known, would rulers. increase the patronage of the Government, alTHE TREASURY STATEMENT. ready too great, by placing the capital of the Union, as well as the offices, under his control. The Globe admits the documents which we In the next place, it does not follow, as assert-have quoted to prove our charge that the Preed, that the fate of the bank depends upon the sident had submitted to Congress, in an official re-election or defeat of General Jackson. And report, a false statement of the condition of the in the next place, we assert that the bank has Treasury, knowing it to be false; and that this had nothing to do with our opposition to Gener- false estimate was prepared at his request, for al Jackson. It is true, believing the bank to be the purpose of controlling the legislation of an unpopular, as well as a dangerous institution, Congress, to be correctly quoted. so long as we were in favor of the re-election of First comes Mr. T. L. Smith. He says that General Jackson, we labored to get up an issue he gives our statement an unqualified contrabetween him and the bank. We have for diction, and calls upon us for the proof of our some time past said but little about the bank, allegation. because we became satisfied that opposition to It is not denied that the statement was subit was relied on as a means of electioneering, mitted to Congress; that appears in the public and that the clamor against its abuses was in- documents; and to them we appeal for the tended to divert the public eye from the abuses proof of this part of our charge. of the administration. So long as we be- Next, we asserted that it was a false statement lieved General Jackson to be a patriot, capable of the condition of the Treasury. This cannot of administering the Government, we availed be denied, because it was false in this it reourselves of all suitable occasions, to direct the presented the balance in the Treasury, on the public eye to the bank. We now find that our first day of January, 1830, to be but 4,410,071 greatest danger is not from the bank. Re-elect dollars, when that balance was in truth 5,667,General Jackson, and our word for it, the char- 790 dollars. ter of the present bank will be renewed, or else This part of the charge is also admitted. the whole energy of the administration will be The statement was false in this, that it repredirected to the establishment of a new bank, sented that the appropriation for the payment with powers more dangerous, and more subser- of the national debt was 11,500,000 dollars, vient to Mr. Van Buren's unholy ambition. But when it was but 10,000,000 dollars. we have given the strongest proofs of the up- It was false also in this, that it represented rightness of the motives by which we are go- that the appropriations already made would verned in our opposition to the re-election of leave a deficiency in the Treasury, on the first General Jackson, in the sacrifices which we day of January, 1831, of 705,863 dollars, have made in doing so. No one can suppose whereas he had Mr. Ingham's report before that we would relinquish the certain profits, him, leaving an estimated balance in the Treathe emoluments and patronage of the Govern-sury, on the first of January, 1831, over existment, for the privilege of borrowing money ing appropriations, of 1,672,816; and there was from the bank at six per cent!! One single ad- an actual balance of 6,014,539 dollars. vertisement from the Post Office Department, We have proved that the statement was false, which we could have had for the asking, would and we now proceed to show that he knew it have been worth ten times as much as the ac- to be so. commodation given by the bank. Yet we, who Did not General Jackson know that the real refused to receive the patronage of the Govern- balance in the Treasury was 5,667,790 dollars? ment at the sacrifice of our independence, are He had Mr. Ingham's report before him, giving charged with selling our press to the bank for him that information; and knowing this, did he |