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*and dollars; the demand against the whole the fugleman for a powerful party, and writes

were about thirty thousand. We told him that, as the press had been patronized by his friends, we wished to dispose of it to one of them, and that we would be content to relinquish the whole for the sum which we had actually expended, and as much as would defray the expense of removing our family back to the west. He replied, that we had fought for our position, and were entitled to its advantages; that he himself would see that the printing of all the Departments should be done at our of. fice, and that we must not sell. Under circumstances, it became necessary to build a printing office, and make large purchases of materials. To enable us to accomplish these objects, we made an arrangement for funds with the Branch Bank, and secured the payment by a pledge of real estate and a bill upon the Clerk of the House, accepted by him. This was paid at maturity. But it is not true that we made an arrangement with any other person, to advance us money to emancipate our press, as alleged by Mr. Kendall. The arrangement in New York was undertaken by one of Mr. Van Buren's partisans, (Mr. J. A. Hamilton,) and we have no doubt failed, because he had ascertained that this press could

not be purchased into Van Buren's support. The

debt to the bank was not cancelled, as he asserts, when our article of the 14th of December, 1829, was published. His premises having failed, his conclusions fail with them. The fact that these paragraphs, which we believe are the most violent that we ever penned against the bank, are quoted as proof that we were no longer indebted to it, when not one cent of our debt to the bank had been paid at the date of their publication; is conclusive, that our indebtedness to that institution had no influence favorable to the bank, on our opinions. Again, Mr. Kendall says, that in February, 1831, we borrowed another sum of $20,000, and urges that Mr. Biddle understood our application as a “proposition to convert the Telegraph to the purposes of the bank, he gladly made the purchase, and now, in devising reasons for it, he blunders like a half drilled witness.” The man who makes this assertion, was publicly charged with perjury, by a respectable editor in Kentucky, and declined to put the issue upon the verdict of an honest jury, although chal

lenged to do so!! But he is the Fourth Auditor, |

state papers for Andrew Jackson!! We, therefore, repel his calumny by a plain statement of facts. That part of Mr. Biddle's testimony which is thus impeached, is as follows: “The loan to Mr. Duff Green was made under the following circumstances: He was printerto Congress, and had to provide materials for executing his work by the meeting of Congress. But as the Government does not make advances, he wished to raise the funds by giving drafts on the Clerk of the House of Representatives, accepted by him, and also a mortgage on some real estate.” Upon this statement, Kendall says: “All the circumstances enumerated by Biddle are palpably false; and false reasons for a suspicious act are conclusive proof of conscious guilt.” Were such charges made on the authority of Amos Kendall alone, it would be an insult to the hitherto unimpeached character of Mr. Biddk, to reply to them; but, as we have said, he is the chosen organ of the President of the United States, who penned the veto message, and the oracle who is to defend it. His charges have the sanction of the Executive, and therefore, should be repelled. Mr. Biddle's letter, informing Judge Hemp hill that our proposition had been accepted by the bank, bears date on the 10th of February; our election as printer to Congress, took place on the 2d Feb., 1831. The funds were wanted to enable us to make our arrangements for the present, and not for the Congress then in session. So Mr. Biddle was understood by the committee, and by every one else, and yet, upon such grounds does Amos Kendall, under the sanction of the President of the United States, impute perjury to that distinguished citizen!! Mr. Kendall dwells much on the amount, knowing that $20,000 will appear as a very large sum to many of his readers unacquainted with the extent of our business. But large is a comparative term. What would be large for a farmer who lives within himself, would not be so with us, and what would be large with our limited means, would be small"to others. This compels us to speak of the extent of our business. Since this sum was borrowed from the bank, we have added, including a press now in the

hands of the manufacturer, more than fourteen thousand dollars worth of material, (in which term paper is not included,) to our office. Our weekly payments for labor exceed eight hun dred dollars. Our order to the Messrs. Ames, of Springfield, for paper to be delivered for our winter supply, in which that for the public work is not included, exceeds twenty thou sand dollars, and another to Messrs. Howard & Lathrop, of South Hadley, for that to be used on the public work, exceeds twelve thousand dollars. We state these facts to show that, as the bank was secured by a pledge of real estate beyond the amount borrowed, and also by a draft accepted by the Clerk of the House, it is apparent that it was a fair business transaction. One in which suspicion itself cannot find a shadow to rest upon. It is proper to state, that ten thousand dollars was payable in December last, the balance is payable in December next; the first sum was paid at maturity, and so will be the other. But we are not content" with this explana tion, which must be satisfactory to every reader. As we enter no protest againstan investigation of our private transactions, we trus that we shall be indulged in giving a satisfactory explanation of all that requires explanation. We wish to show why we borrowed this money. Onrprincipal payments are to the persons in our employment, the paper maker,and the manufacturers of printing materials. The first are necessarily paid weekly; the manufacturers sell upon time, with a discount of five per cent. for cash. We found that, by borrowing $20,000, we could nake our purchases for cash, simplify our financial operations, and save at least four per cent on our purchases. As these, in the course of the year, greatly exceeded the amount borrowed, the advantage of the arrangement, as a financial operation, is manifest, we were induced to make the application through Mr. Hemphill, because in a conversation with him he suggested that, owing to the state of the money market, at that time, the bank was anxious to lend, upon time, to solvent borrowers, and we fixed the time of payment, that it might be dis.

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President, as a ground for his vetos" people will be more fully representition congress, will he veto abil Polo that congress after what he sid inhão, f December last Letit not besita" constitutional objections. Aftero" seen on the subject of internal imposton's there is no inconsistency which mo" conciled; and if the bank beascoto". dall represents it to be, the this plm's those who, in that case would be wortio chase, will be tickled. Butetentiswill” be necessary.

should General Jackson be recko." power over public sentiment willcese wit" election—especially if Mr. Van Bureni tried to him. Parties will immediately wrie

tinctly understood that the advantage was mutual, we made our profit in the discount on our purchases, and the bank made its profit in the interest which it received. Having thus disposed of the calumny, we availourselves of the opportunity which it presents, to speak of the Bank. Mr. Kendall says:

“If engaged to serve the Bank, no man can doubt that the Telegraph would take the most

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effectual way to serve it. He serves the Bank

will be decided by General Jackson's mos.

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* — —

`s sor. So that we affirm that, in the first place, the paltry consideration of a bank accommoda

o it is not true that General Jackson is opposed to tion; that institution with bribery, and is Presia Bank of the United States. So far from being dent with perjury!

- opposed to such a bank, he tells Congress that if Are such expedients necessary to secure the

o his opinion had been asked, he would have giv- re-election of Gen. Jackson!! No cause can

o en the model of a charter which he would have prosper which employs such profligate means; o: and that nation is on the verge of ruin when

approved out objections are to any bank or having the dangerous powers of this institution, they are perpetrated with impunity & J by its

* General Jackson's plan, as far as known, would rulers.

: * increase the patronage of the Government, al-

o ready too great, by placing the capital of the THE Treasury stateurs.

o, Union, as well as the offices, under his control. The Globe admits the documents which we have quoted to prove our charge that the Pre

... In the next place, it does not follow, as assertis ed, that the fate of the bank depends upon the sident had submitted to Congress, in an official report, a false statement of the condition of the

** re-election or defeat of General Jackson. And in the next place, we assert that the bank has Treasury, knowing it to be false; and that this o” had nothing to do with our opposition to Gener- false estimate was prepared at his request, for ** al Jackson. It is true, believing the bank to be the purpose of controlling the legislation of so an unpopular, as well as a dangerous institution, Congress, to be correctly quoted. to so long as we were in favor of the re-election of First comes Mr. T. L. Smith. He says that to General Jackson, we labored to get up an issue he gives our statement an unqualified contrabetween him and the bank. We have for diction, and calls upon us for the proof of our

some time past said but little about the bank, allegation. - -
It is not denied that the statement was sub-

mitted to Congress; that appears in the public documents; and to them we appeal for the proof of this part of our charge.

Next, we asserted that it was a false statement of the condition of the Treasury. This cannot

of administering the Government, we availed be denied, because it was false in this ; it reourselves of all suitable occasions, to direct the presented the balance in the Treasury, on the public eye to the bank. we now find that our first day of January, 1830, to be but 4,410,071 greatest danger is not from the bank. Re-elect | dollars, when that balance was in truth 5,667,General Jackson, and our word for it, the char. 790 dollars. ter of the present bank will be renewed, or else. This part of the charge is also admitted. the whole energy of the administration will be The statement was false in this, that it repreo directed to the establishment of a new bank, sented that the appropriation for the payment with powers more dangerous, and more subser- of the national debt was 11,500,000 dollars, vient to Mr. Van Buren's unholy ambition. But when it was but 10,000,000 dollars. *... we have given the strongest proofs of the up- It was false also in this, that it represented -- rightness of the motives by which we are go- that the appropriations already made would verned in our opposition to the re-election of leave a deficiency in the Treasury, on the first General Jackson, in the sacrifices which we day of January, 1831, of 705,863 dollars, have made in doing so. No one can suppose whereas he had Mr. Ingham's report before that we would relinquish the certain profits, him, leaving an estimated balance in the Treathe emoluments and patronage of the Govern- sury, on the first of January, 1831, over existment, for the privilege of borrowing money sing appropriations, of 1,672,816; and there was * from the bank at six per cent!! One single ad- an actual balance of 6,014,539 dollars. * vertisement from the Post office Department, We have proved that the statement was false, which we could have had for the asking, would and we now proceed to show that he knew it o

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... • because we became satisfied that opposition to it was relied on as a means of electioneering, o and that the clamor against its abuses was intended to divert the public eye from the abuses of the administration. So long as we believed General Jackson to be a patriot, capable

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have been worth ten times as much as the ac- to be so. commodation given by the bank. Yet we, who Did not General Jackson know that the real refused to receive the patronage of the Govern- balance in the Treasury was 5,667,790 dollars 2 ment at the sacrifice of our independence, are He had Mr. Ingham's report before him, giving charged with selling our press to the bank for him that information; and knowing this, did he

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not know that the Register's statement, repre-Ibe so. Does he mean to say that the Proko senting that balance to be 4,410,071 dollars, to did not know it to be false, whenits who

be false 2
Tell us not that this was the estimated ba-
lance given in Mr. Ingham's annual report.
That report was made in December, 1829, and
the error was occasioned by adopting Major
Eaton's statement of the balance wanted for the
use of his Department; which error was cor-
rected before Mr. Smith made out his state-
ment; for that statement was not prepared un-
til late in May, nearly six months thereafter,
and after the expenditures for the quarter end-
ing on the first of January, 1831, had been as-
certained, and the real balance known. This
cannot, and will not be denied. Indeed, we
believe it was reported to Congress; and we
know,that it was the subject of remark in Con-
gress and in the public press. Mr. Smith
knew that his statement was false in this.
Wherefore did he give a false statement, when
the President had a true one before him? And
wherefore did the President require him to
make out a false one when he had the truth in
a report from the head of the Department on
his table -
Mr. Smith's statement made a DEFICIENCY
of 705,863 dollars; Mr. Ingham's gave a SUR-
PLUS of 1,672,816 dollars. ..
why did Mr. Smith take the false data ? Iš
it not clear that he knew them to be false, or
that, of he did not, he is unfit for his present
station Because, long before his statement
was prepared, the accounts had been adjusted,
and the error in Major Eaton's estimate cor-
rected, and the real balance known. We
say, why did he take the false data ? Who can
doubt that it was because the truth gave a sur-
plus, and the falsehood made a deficiency? It
was the President's desire to make it appear
that there would be a deficiency, and the state-
ment was so prepared as to give the result
which suited his purpose.
we have proved that the statement was
false, and that the President knew it to be
so. But we have other and more damning
proof, which we are not at liberty to use,
unless he will authorise the Globe to contradict
our statement, upon his authority. If that be
done, he will hear from us again.
But poor T. L. Smith!! He gives an unqua.

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lified contradiction to our statement!! Does he notwithstanding the efforts which last o m n to say that his statement is true? He made to alarm them into a discontinuo.

know it to be false, and we have proved it to

Since the notice of our Extra was poik.

* --- o: some, of whom we hoped better things, have |tion of our Government, have we seen the Chief to: felt it their duty to discontinue, and among |Magistrate of this country entering the lists as *** * the rest we have received the following: an electioneering partisan of a pretender to the too. “Prorsburg, sept. 4th, 1832, succession ; and now we see that pretender *...* “Dean sin : I wish you to tender my thanks|claiming office as his right, and attributing the ... to Mr. Smoot, your agent, for his kindness in faithful discharge of an important public duty -- * sending me on the Telegraph, from the time to enry, onvy of what of the partiality : oo & ...+ 1. * o -- last summer that I paid him off your acconnt. which General Jackson entertains for Mr. Van so I wish the paper stopped; as it would ill become i i - ...a me or any other individual, ‘holding an office|Buren''. He has admitted that he rests his o under the Government,” to encourage or pa- claims to office on General Jackson's prefer*...* tronize any public journal opposed to the ad-lence *::::: minotion of President Jackson. But we would ask every candid reader, if we o I am, dear Sir, - o “Most respectfully, cannot see in the letter before us, a determina2:13 “Your obedient servant, tion on the part of Mr. Van Buren, to sow the o - “ Epw. PATCHELL, seeds of party strife as a means of promoting his ...? “To Gen. Duff GREEN. own ambition. And will the people permit the os' We return to General Patchell our thanks for public mind to be withdrawn from a wise contem of his candor, and inform him that the paper has plation of the great revolutions in progress beso not been sent gratuitously. And that as the fore us, for the purpose of entering into Martin of only reason which he has assigned for disconti-Van Buren's petty, personal conflicts; for the nuing the paper is, that he holds an office un-purpose of punishing those who were so pre

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due us. We do not publish his letter by way our paper, or of enlisting sympathy for ourselves, but we do it as a punishment for refusing to pay us what he justly owes us; and we notify him that the paper will be discontinued

der General Jackson, that forms a sufficient|sumptuous as to enry him the partiality of Gereason to enforce the payment of the arrears neral Jackson and his kitchen cabinet?

The human mind is so constituted that it acts

of punishing him, for preferring his office to efficiently upon but one subject at a time. The

re-election of General Jackson, with Martin Van Buren as Vice President, will be the signal for the commencement of the bitterest political warfare ever known in this country. Mr. Van

when he pays what he owes; and lest he Buren acts upon the principle that every man should forget it, we will continue toremind has his price; and controlling, as he will, the pahim that he is indebted, by placing his letterstronage of the Government, every means among our advertisements marked “t. p.” which direct bribery, and the intimidation of a which means “to be published until paid.” venal press can give, will be used to enlist Con- - gress in his service; and if that fails, we are to we place on record below, a correspondence expect the most relentless persecution, and the between Mr. Van Buren, and a committee of most bitter warfare. Are we prepared to make his political partisans, in which he charges that such sacrifices, on Mr. Van Buren's account? his rejection was produced by the interest and who is he that he should enlist brother against envy of the majority of the Senate. This cor- one, and neighbor against neighbor 2 Was respondence is laid before the public by Mr. he too “born to command " But to the corVan Buren, at this time, for the purpose of respondence. giving tone to his political partisans elsewhere. He pitches the key note upon which the Jack- To his excellency Martin Van Buren: son party are told to sing his praises, and con- Sir, –The very gratifying duty devolves up. demn those whom he denominates his rivals. on me, as chairman of the democratic republican Is it not time that the people should take the general committee, of communicating to you the alarm 2 We have seen that the Baltimore Con. ors record of the proceedings of vention, that creature of Mr. Van Buren's in- “I. ãowing this duty, I cannot allow the trigue, was got up through the agency of Amos occasion to pass without assuring you of the Kendall, who visited New Hampshire for the high appreciation in which your public services purpose of putting it in motion. we have|ato hold by my follo”,” “no of the *- - tisfaction with which they welcome your return seen the direct influence of the patronage of. your native state. the Government used to give it force with the

New York, June 30th, 1832.

My own gratification is doubly enhanced by people, and for the first time since the organiza-shaving the opportunity of adding the personal

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