temper, and Herr Richter has learned the wide acquaintance with historical and knack of doing the same thing. But if economical subjects. The writer once the prince is very jealous of his own dig- asked a famous German political econonity, he is a hundred times more so when mist for his candid opinion of Prince the dignity of his country and king is at Bismarck's familiarity with his favorite stake. Woe betide the man who, in his science. The answer was as follows: hearing, whether in Parliament or out of "Theoretically Prince Bismarck is not to it, says a word which may be interpreted be called a political economist, but in pracas displaying want of respect for the tice he shows great knowledge of the Prussian royal house. He will receive sound principles of political economy. scant courtesy at the hands of the burning His fault is that he generalizes too much monarchist who, as a youth, broke his - like a German professor," and the beer-glass over the head of a foul-tongued speaker smiled here, for he was then fillpublic-house demagogue, and who, as ing a chair at one of the leading German Prussian minister, has declared, "It is the universities. Here we have the truth besame to me whether I die for my king on yond question; Prince Bismarck leaves the street pavement or the battle-field." theory to the schools, and only concerns A few years ago the chancellor's devotion himself with the practical phases of questo his sovereign led to an exciting incident tions, yet he brings to his task knowledge in the Reichstag, and one which, however which may be said to be intuitive, and regrettable, showed his warm loyalty in a thus he seldom errs for want of studying very clear light. It was during a debate text-books. That he pays little heed to on the then expiring Socialist Law. Dep- mere theory we know from his own lips, uty Bebel had declared that if the despot- for when assailed once for breaking loose ism characteristic of Russian government from traditional beliefs, he retorted, "It is were introduced into Germany, Nihilism not my business to carry on dogmatism, would be introduced with it. Considering but politics," and so silenced his oppothis assertion in the light of the assassina-nents. Yet the world has of late years tion of the emperor Alexander, Prince Bismarck jumped to the conclusion that the Socialists contemplated regicide, and, amid great excitement, he attacked Bebel furiously for proclaiming the justifiableness of political murder, and charged him with plotting against the house of Hohenzollern.

If, however, Prince Bismarck's oratory has many faults, it has also many excellences. No matter what be the theme under discussion, the chancellor is sure to adorn it. Apart from the weightiness of his utterances, all of which tell, his speeches are relieved by apt quotations, forcible similes, and witty allusions, and opponent and friend admire and praise, even if they do not both agree with what they hear. He has at command no fewer than five modern and one dead language, but when he borrows from poetry, it is generally Goethe or Shakespeare who is laid under tribute. Shakespeare, indeed, he knows better than most Englishmen, though Germans would say that this is not a fact to be wondered at. What must astonish those who hear or read Prince Bismarck's speeches is the extent of learning to which they bear witness. One who has lived long in the immediate presence of the chancellor has put it on record that he has "a predilection for history, geography, and political economy," and again and again proofs have been given of his

been astonished as it has seen a statesman whose life had hitherto been exclusively devoted to the solution of diplomatic and constitutional problems, disputing successfully, like a Saul amongst prophets, with political economists and social reformers upon intricate questions like those of taxation, the land laws, protection, factory legislation, laborers' insurance, State railways, tobacco and spirit monopolies, and the double standard. More singular than this breadth of knowledge is the fact that the man who has exhibited so versatile a genius is the one of whom Napoleon III. said, in 1862, "Ce n'est pas un homme sérieux." Strange to say, Prince Bismarck, though a German of the Germans, admits foreign words into his speeches without apparent attempt at restriction. The good patriot who refuses to accept German works which are printed in Roman characters mixes German and French with cosmopolitan indifference. Thus a few lines taken at random from one of his speeches contain words like conflagration, permanent, eventualität, nation, finans, revanche, tableau, unmotivirt, coalition, militair, etc. But the reason for this flagrant disregard of the old quatrain, according to which ein echter Deutscher (a genuine German) must speak his mother tongue in all its purity, is that Prince Bismarck is too practical to stickle for linguistic trivialities. It is not that he

loves Germany or her language less, but that he counts utility higher than sentiment. That is why he will one day consent to read Latin print with patience.

was that of securing the requisite degree of dilution. First one would taste and find the compound too weak, so that more cognac had to be added. Then another would pronounce it too strong, and the addition of seltzer water was the consequence. More than once the chancellor, hard to please, refused to drink the draught so carefully prepared, and one of the solemn group had to drain the glass, so that the blending operation might begin again. Probably a dozen and a half small glasses were handed to Prince Bismarck full and removed from his bench empty, before all had been said that was in the great statesman's mind. That was a high record to reach, but then the occasion was a momentous one, and the chancellor's throat was unusually troublesome.

He

In no respect does Bismarck set theory and precept more at defiance than in speech-making. He has related how he once read the Bundesrath a lecture on the uselessness of verbosity, but he seldom addresses the Reichstag for a shorter time than an hour, and he has even exceeded two hours, not, however, that the occasion would have admitted of a curtailment. He speaks extempore, though the heads of his oration and newspaper quotations which he intends to use are carefully noted on sheets of paper lying before him. Although the chancellor professes to regard the press with utter indifference, not to say contempt, no one follows the Such are some of the peculiarities of newspapers with greater care than he. Prince Bismarck's speech-making. Not infrequently he makes a journalistic dislikes the title of orator, yet tried by criticism the text of a speech, as on the other and more generally recognized canoccasion of the two hours' oration which ons than his own which make the orator pacified the European nations in Febru- a mere windbag and word-juggler - he is ary. Sometimes he brings out of the an orator of undoubted power. Not a few capacious portfolio a great heap of lead- of the men who have earned high rhetoring articles cut from opposition prints, ical reputations in the British House of and now and then he will brandish a Commons during the last half century handful of them in the faces of his antag- would have been glad to have possessed onists, with the dry observation that he the voice of Germany's chancellor, defecdoes not purpose reading them to the tive as it unquestionably is, and it may be House that day. But foolscap sheets of doubted whether any of them have delivmemoranda and newspaper cuttings are ered greater speeches, speeches fuller of not Prince Bismarck's sole help in the weighty words (inhaltsvoller, as the Germaking of a speech. Equally important mans say), more polished, more telling, is the copious libation by the aid of which more hearable and readable, and indicathe keeps hoarseness down and his spirits ing a greater scope of political knowledge, up. The stimulant which the chancellor keener insight, and wider culture in the drinks is a weak concoction of cognac and speaker. Will Prince Bismarck's speeches seltzer water. Formerly this preparation live after him? Not, perhaps, as models was brought into the House ready mixed, of rhetoric; yet his orations contain a vast the supply being kept undiminished by a amount of wit and wisdom, for which posrelay of waiters running between the min- terity will long be grateful. That Bisisterial bench and the more material apart-marck is a master of phrases, is proved ments of the building. Now, however, the mixing of the chancellor's glasses has been advanced to a high art, which ministers, secretaries of state, and privy councillors are alone fit and able to practise.

On the occasion of Prince Bismarck's last speech in the Reichstag, Count Herbert, his eldest son, now secretary of state in the Foreign Office, kept the cognac bottle in his own hands, while a group of high functionaries divided the rest of the work between them. Nothing could exceed for downright comicality the busy scene that was enacted behind the chancellor's back during the whole of the speech. The difficulty with which the glass-mixers had continually to contend

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by a multitude of expressions given by him to political life, and now become international property, such as the famous "blood and iron,' "Catilinarian exist ences," "honest broker," "policy of free hand," "Do ut des," "Beati possidentes," and the unlucky invocation of Canossa memories. Take, however, a few of his political aphorisms. Compromise is everywhere the basis of constitutional life." "If a man can make promises he is sure to be elected." "A great State is not to be ruled according to party views." "It is with governments and their liberalism as with ladies: the youngest always pleases best." "He who has his hand on the money-bag has the power." "Free

These are only samples of the proverbial philosophy of which Prince Bismarck's keep his mind clear of theories; but the Parliamentary speeches are full. What especially distinguishes his sententious utterances is their palpable spontaneity. Some of his wisest, wittiest, and weightiest sayings have owed their origin to sudden inspiration prompted by the irresponsible ejaculations of dissentient hearers or the dialectic slips of opponents in debate.

terial about. No experienced statesman, no friend of orderly government, could venture to hope that the clouds had been finally dispersed. The storm had failed to clear the sky; the air was still charged with electricity. The stress of the political situation indeed might not inaptly have been described in the words of the great English poet; for though "the vanward clouds of evil days had spent their malice," yet

The sullen rear

Was with its storèd thunder laboring up.

diately; but anything more meanly abject than Moray's bearing when overtaken by evil fortune it is surely difficult to imag. ine.

But though Moray was disowned in public, the English ministers, whose hostility to Mary had not been disarmed, was in fact keener than ever, were in close and constant communication with the exiled lords. Before the new year was far advanced, Elizabeth, recovering from her panic, had urged Mary to pardon the noblemen whose excessive zeal for religion had led them astray. Mary would proba bly have turned a deaf ear to these somewhat dictatorial entreaties, in so far at least as Moray was concerned; for the ingratitude of her brother had stung her to the quick. She had replied with spirit to Elizabeth's remonstrances at a far more critical period; the hypocritical pretences of the English ministers had then been ruthlessly exposed; and we may be tolerably sure that now, when her enemies had been scattered like chaff, her answer would have been not less incisive. But the letters were never delivered; Bedford detained them at Berwick on the ground that "a matter of no small consequence was intended in Scotland," by means whereof, he explained, the banished lords would be brought home "without further suit from Elizabeth."

Moray's rôle during his exile was not one that any man of spirit would have cared to play. There are scenes of broad burlesque in "Lear" and “ Macbeth; and the tragedy which was so close at hand was preceded by a farce, in which the clown's part was taken by Moray. The ambassadors of the Catholic powers had not hesitated to accuse the English queen to her face of fomenting civil war in Scotland. The ill success of the rebels had by this time dismayed Elizabeth; and when Moray came to London to remind her of her engagements, she induced him to declare on his knees, in the presence of the ambassadors, that she had given the Lords no encouragement. "But unto my Lord of Moray, she said, Now you have told the truth, for neither did I, nor any in my name, stir you up against your Queen. The "matter of no small consequence For your abominable treason may serve was the plot which ended in the murder of for example to my own subjects to rebel Rizzio and the return of Moray. Though against me. Therefore get you out of my Morton and Ruthven, who were closely presence, -you are but unworthy trait-related to Darnley, had fallen away from ors." Elizabeth's transcendent mendacity rose at intervals into genius; and on this occasion she outshone herself. But if Elizabeth lied, as was her habit-what is to be said for Moray? Elizabeth was not a "professor; " she sneered at Cecil and "his brothers in Christ; " but Moray was the leader of the "precise Protestants," and the austere propriety of his life and conversation had supplied a text for many a fervid discourse. The interview with The earlier historians of Scotland were Elizabeth was bad enough one would only permitted to call a spade a spade have fancied that he could not have fallen when no reflection on Knox and his further yet, if we are to believe Mel- friends was intended. A fairer estimate ville, there was a lower depth which Mo- is now possible; and it will be admitted ray had yet to sound. "Rizzio appeared by not a few that Moray's conduct at this also to have been gained. My Lord Mo-juncture was singularly base. We have ray had sued to him very earnestly, and seen that he had perjured himself to satmore humbly than could have been believed, with the present of a fair diamond enclosed within a letter, full of repentance and fair promises from that time forth to be his friend and protector." How these "promises" were kept will appear imme

Moray when he appeared in the field against his sister, the friendly intimacy which had previously existed between them had been only temporarily suspended. The division was accidental; the differences were superficial; there was no reason, apart from Darnley, why the old allies - Knox and Moray and Morton and Ruthven-should not shake hands, and be friends again.

isfy Elizabeth, and had pled with Rizzio for pardon. But these were comparatively venial offences, matters of taste, so to speak, where private inclination might be consulted. The broad earldom of Moray, which a year before had cost him the