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this call is made under circumstances that prefent no alternative but a vigorous preparation for resistance, or, as has been frequent. ly observed during this debate, "unconditional submission."

Far be it from me, to wish to appear to view the evils of war lightly-I am not, however, for conjuring up pictures of them, however great, to deter me from my duty ; even a free people, whofe every habit and feeling incline them to peace, must fometimes meet war ; and when the unhappy necefsity occurs, they should be prepared to meet it with an unshaken countenance. That the people of the United States will fo meet it, I feel th: ful. left assurance. Neither a wish to avoid expense, nor the just fear of physical and moral injury can possibly induce them to furrender or dilipate the rich inheritance they pofliss, purchased with the blood of their fathers.

I cannot view the British posseffions, which in case of a war are more particularly prefented to our attack as necesarily calculated to produce the consequences some gentlemen anticipate. If a war should take place, the enemy's commerce will call into exercise the enterprise and intrepidity of our citizens ; not, as has been said, in the character of pirates, lawless depredators and buccan. jers; but as men engaged in justifiable reprisal, and open warfare. In such a state of things, there will be no stronger motive to our citizens to combat by the fide of Napoleon's warriors than at present; if they choose to expatriate themselves, has the government power to prevent it? I believe not-Congress will hardly add le. gal facilities to such a warfare ; such fears can have no foundation.

The British colonies on this continent, in a war between this country and her, must also become an object of attack to us. No gentleman has expressed a doubt of our ability to make a conquest of them—but they prefage evils to arife out of tie conqueft. Our territory, say they, already too large, by such a measure must be greatly increased, and the integrality of this union endangered, if not destroyed. If our country shall be drawn to the conquest of those territories, 'the disposition of them is not a question to be fet. tled now; that must follow the acquisition. But if it were to be fettled now, I do not think it very embarrassing. If by annexing them to the Union, it should be feared that the federal govern, ment could not embrace it, let them become an independent and feif-governed nation, with whom our amicable relations would be cemented by ties of gratitude on their part; it would surely be better than to have them governed by the slaves of an inimical and rival power, and kept as a receptacle for spendthrifts and outlaws. The importance of these colonies to Britain has been ques. tioned ; but there is nothing clearer, than that they are becoming every day of more importance to the mother country; their con. fequence is increasing in the ratio, that that of her lugar colonies is decreasing

I cannot with some gentlemen doubt the fufficiency of this gov. ernment to conduct a war. However congenial a state of peace may be toa republic, the constitution of the U. States must have been framed with a view to war as weil as peace. The members of the grand convention had almost all been active characters in the revolutionary war. On the subject of war they were certainly more than mere theorists. Honest apprehensions have, too, been entertained in times back, of the government being too strong ; I think, however, that we may look with well grounded confidence for complete fufficiency in it, without being alarmed at the reverse of the picture. While the power of declaring war is vested in Congress; while levies and supplies are within its control ; while a check on the appointing powers is visted in theSenate, and a periodical termination of the President's office exists; the executive arm, though fufficiently untrammelled for neceffary and useful command, is eff ctually paralized as to the exercise of power to affect or change the free features of the government; unless inderd the representation should become utterly corrupt, an event no one can believe possible. I feel much fatisfaction at this moment in seeing a man at the head of the government, who had a conspicuous concern in framing the constitution, and whose official duties have since closely connected him with the administration of government under it. In the message out of which the report before you has sprung, not the slightest doubt is discoverable, of the fufficiency of our institutions to sustain us under every exigency, that may overtake us. My own reflections on this subject, (and they have neither been light nor transitory) have neither served to alarm, or intimidate. I repose in safety on the saving maxim, "never to despair of the republic."

[Debates to be continued.]

[Documents---Continued from No. 8.]

[Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster-Concluded from No.,8.] Since the year 1805, the period of the last negotiation with Spain, the province of West Florida has remained in a situation altogether incompatible with the welfare of these states. The government, of Spain has scarcely been felt there ; in consequence of which the af. fairs of that province had fallen into disorder. Of that circumstance, however, the United States took no advantage. It was not until the last year, when the inhabitants, perceiving that all authority over them had ceased, rose in a body with intention to take the country into their own hands, that the American government interposed. It was impossible for the United States to behold, with indifference, a movement in which they were so deeply interested. The president would have incurred the censure of the nation, if he had suffered that province to be wrested from the United States, under a pretext of wresting it from Spain. In taking possession of it, in their name, and under their authority, except in the part which was occupied by the Spanish troops, who have not been disturbed, he defended the rights and secured the peace of the nation, and even consulted the honor of Spain herself. By this event the United States have acquired no new title to West Florida. They wanted none. In adjusting hereafter all the other points which remain to be adjusted with Spain, and which it is proposed to make the subject of amicable negotiation as soon as the government of Spain shall be settled, her claim to this territory may also be brought into view, and receive all the attention, which is due to it.

Aware that this transaction might be misconceived and misrepresented, the President deemed it a proper subject of instruction to the ministers of the United States at foreign courts, to place it in a true light before them. Such an instruction was forwarded to Mr. Pinkney, their late minister plenipotentiary at London, who would have executed it, had not the termination of his mission prevented it. The president cannot doubt, that the frank and candid explanation, which I have now given, by his order, of the considerations which induced the United States to take possession of this country, will be perfectly satisfactory to his royal highness the prince regent. With great respect and consideration,

I have the honor to be, sir,
your most obedient servant,

(Signed) JAS. MONROE.

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Sir,

Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1811. The Chevalier d'Onis, who has been appointed minister from his Catholic majesty to the United States, has written to inform me, that he understands by letters from the governor of East Florida, under date of the 14th ultimo, that governor Matthews, of the state of Georgia, was at that time at Newtown, St. Mary, on the frontiers of Florida, for the purpose of treating with the inhabitants of that province for its being delivered up to the United States government: that he was with this view using every method of seduction to effect his purpose, offering to each white inhabitant who would side with him, ffty acres of land, and the guarantee of his religion and propcrty: stipulating also, that the American government would pay the debts of the Spanish government, whether due in pensions or otherwise: and that he would cause the officers and soldiers of the garrisods to be conveyed to such place as should be indicated, provided they did not rather choose to enter iato the service of the U. States.

M. D'Onis has done me the honor to communicate to me a note which he purposes transmitting to you, sir, in consequence of this detailed and most extraordinary intelligence: and considering the intimate alliance subsisting between Spain and Great Britain, as well as the circumstances under which he is placed in this country, he has urgently requested that I would accompany his representation with a letter on my part in support of it.

After the solemn asseverations which you gave me in the month of July, that no intentions hostile to the Spanish interests in Florida existed on the part of your government, I am wholly unable to suppose that general Matthews can have had orders from the president for the conduct which he is stated to be pursuing: but the measures be is said to be taking, in corresponding with traitors,and in endeavoring by bribery and every art of seduction to infuse a spirit of rebellion into the subjects of the king ot Spain in those quarters, are such as to create the liveliest inquietude, and to call for the most early interference on the part of the government of the United States.

The government of the United States are well aware of the deep interest which his royal highness, the prince regent, takes in the security of Florida, for any attempt to occupy the eastern part of which by the United States,not even the slightest pretexts could be alleged, such as were brought forward in the endeavor to justify the aggression on West Florida.

I conceive it therefore to be my duty, sir, in consideration of the alliance subsisting between Spain and Great Britain, and the interests of his majesty's subjects in the West India islands, so deeply involved in the security of East Florida, as well as in pursuance of the orders of my government in case of any attempt against that country, to lose no time in calling upon you for an explanation of the alarming steps which governor Matthews is stated to be taking for subverting

the Spanish authority in that country, requesting to be informed by you, upon what authority he can be acting, and what measures have been taken to put a stop to his proceedings. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed)

AUG. J. FOSTER.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. SIR, 0?

November 2, 1811. I have had the honor to recrive your letter of September 5th, and to submit it to the view of the President.

The principles which have governed the United States in their measures relative to West Florida, have already been explained to you. With equal frankness I shall now communicate the part they have acted with respect to East Florida.

In the letter which I had the honor to address to you on the 8th of July, I stated the injuries which the United States had received from Spain since their revolutionary war, and particularly by spoliations on their commerce, in the last war, to a great amount, and of the suppression of their right of deposit at New Orleans just before the commencement of the present war, for neither of which repara. tion had been made. A claim to indemnity for those injuries, is altogether unconnected with the question relating to West Florida, which was acquired by cession from France, in 1803.

The government of Spain has never denied the right of the United States to a just indemnity for spoliations on their commerce. In 1802, it explicitly admitted this right by entering into a convention, the subject of which was to adjust the amount of the claim, with a view to indemnity. The subsequent injury, by the suppression of the deposit of New Orleans, produced an important change in the relations between the parties, which has never been accommodated. The United States saw in that measure eminent cause of war; and, that war did not immediately follow it, cannot be considered in any other light than as a proof of their moderation and pacific policy. The executive could not believe that the govenment of Spain would refuse to the United States the justice due for these accumulated injuries, when the subject should be brought solem: ly before it by a special mission. It is known that an envoy extraordinary was sent to Madrid in 1805, on this subject, and that the mission did not accomplish the object intended by it.

It is proper to observe that in the negociation with Spain, in 1805, the injuries complained of by the United States, of the first class, were again substantially admitted, to a certain extent, as was that also occasioned by the suppression of the deposit at New-Orleans, although the Spanish government, by disclaiming the act, and imputing it to the intendant, sought to avoid the responsibility due from it; that to make indemnity the United States for injuries of every kind, a cession of the whole territory claimed by Spain eastward of the Mississippi, was made the subject of negociation, and that the

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