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manifested to the whole world her sincere desire to support the neutral stand which had been taken at the earliest period of her gorroment, and most tenaciously adhered to. We have carefuly avoided, Mr. Speaker, any participation in that system of politics which has convulsed and diftracted the European world. We have restricted ourselves in the full enjoyment of our rights, left by strictly enforcing them, we might produce a collision with any nation, however little her conduct might be guided by the principles of equity. Sir, we have borne with injury till, in the language of your committee, forbearance has ceased to be a virtue. We have remonstrated, we have appealed to the justice, to the interest of the two great contending powers of Europe-very effort proved abortive, our calls for justice were drowned in the declaration that their measures were merely retaliatory, and not intended to interfere with neutral rights-thu,,fir, the matter rested when specific propositions were submitted to each-yes, fir ; bv an act which has placed the impartiality of our 'country beyond the reach of suspicion, we demanded of each the revoca. tion of their obnoxious edicts as the only means of preserving our friendship. We all know what has been the consequence : France has met our advances, has embraced our propositions ; Great Britain not only refuses a rt peal on her part, but, while she aff-cts to lament the effects produced on neutral rights, takes the most effectual methods to render them perpetual. Sir, blind. ness and ignorance itself can no longer be deceived by British policy.

We have been told, sir, that this will be a war for the support of the carrying trade ; let me here remark, and wish to be dis. tinctly understood as avowing my determination never to give a

so long as I have the honor of a feat on this floor, which will involve this country in a war for the recovery or support of this extraneous species of commerce ; I believe I shall not be incorrect when I assert, that ninetenths of this country never did and never will derive the smallest benefit from it. But, fir, the right to carry in our own ships, the produce of our own country to any quarter, not thereby violating the laws of nations, or contravening legitimate municipal regulations, is one which I never will yield; for, sir, in so doing we paralise the industry of our citizens, we give a fatal blow to the best interests of our country-yes, sir, we yield the principle, we invite to farther en. croachments. Our country, fir, is agricultural, but so intimately blended with commerce, that the one cannot long exist unaided by the other, Sir, I will not yield an inch of ground, when by lo doing I destroy an essential right of my country, I sap the foun. dation of that independence cemented by the blood of our fath. ers. We were told by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr Randolph) a few days since, that we have fufficient cause for war,-I ask you then, sir, why do we hesitate ? Shall we always yield ? Shall we


always shrink from the contest? The adoption of this resolution is the touchstone, by it we rise or tall. We have been asked, Mr. Speaker, why not lay upon your table a proposition to go to war ? 'tis there, fir, 'tis contained in this resolution---the moment we give it our fanction we declare our fixed refolve to ren. der effective the force contemplated to be raised. Yes, fir, unlefs Great Britain manifests a difpofition speedily to do us justice ; by her acts, fir; not by her words. The gentleman from Virginia calls upon the the representatives of the sea coast, of the slave holding states, and asks if they are willing to say to England " we intend to go to war with you’-oes the gentleman mean to ex. cite our fears for the lofs of our property? As one of the many on this fooi who stand in the situation mentioned by that gen. tleman, I ftp forth to declare for myfelf and my constituents, that when loss of national honor is placed in the scale, and attempted to be balanced by pecuniary interest, we will without hesitation kick the beam. But, fir, we are now contending for the restora. tion of rights, the deprivation of which strike at the very foundatiors of our prosperity. . Sir, to us it matters little whether our cities tumble into ruin by de iertion for want of employment; by poverty produced by British wrongs and aggressions, or in vindicating the cause of our country fall by a quicker process. Sir, I have no fear of invasion, and therefore have no fears ar sing from the black population, which strikes with such horror on the fen. fitive mind of the gentleman from Virginia. For my country, Mr.Speaker, I lament its existence; I view it as the bane, the curse of the land, and most sincerely, sir, do I wish that a second Moses could take them by the hand, and lead them in safety to a diftant land, where their cries would never more Itrike on the car of sympathy. For one, fir, 'I promise I would not expose myself to the waves of the sea. We are told, Mr. Speaker, that we stand pledged to France, that we must become a party with her in this war. Sir, I call upon the gentleman from Vir. ginia to make the affertion good, to fix the imputation upon the executive or upon this House. Sir, my pledge is to my country, to this very land ; here and here alone the warm affections of my heart find a point around which to rally-To all other govern. meats I am perfectly indifferent-I am no Frenchman, I am no Englishman.

We have been told, sir, that this will be a war of aggrandizement, a war of conqueft. I am as little disposed to extend the territory as any other individual of this Houfe. I know that disfimilar interests must and will prevail from a too great extension of our dominion. But, fir, we will not here enter into a difcuffion, whether an acceflion of country would or would not conduce to the interests of the governinent. Sir, this will be a war forced upon us--we cannot under existing circumstances avoid it. To wound our enemy in the most vulnerable part 1hould only be considered. Sir, I trust if our differences with Great Britain are not speedily aljusted, (of which indeeci I have no espectation) we shall take Canada ; ye's, fir, by force ; by valor ; not by seduction, as the gentleman from Virginia exprelfosit.' I have no reliance on their friendthp, I hope it will not be calculated on. Sir, I am not deterred from the firm purposes of my mind, by the predictions of the gentleman from VirginiaI have no fears, fir, that the people of our country will desert their government while afferting the rights of the country--and I must believe, that gentleman's affertion to the contrary notwithstanding, that Virginia will not be the last to afford supplies. We are told, fir, that republicans are inconfift:nt; that in '98 they refused. to raise an-army although general Walhington would be at their head, and that we then had sufficient cause to go to war with the directory of France--for my felf, sir, I was at that period conning the lessons of childhood. I will not now undertake to say wheth. er at that time there was or was not cauf- for war. as has been declared. To me it matters not. Sir, I am just commencing my political career, I am confiftent; I find my country degraded by insults unrevenged; almoft ruined by her efforts to pre. serve friendship with nations who fel power and forget right; and although I am opposed to the principle of having large fancing armies in our country-yet, fir, under those circumítances I feel justifiable in departing from the general principle. Washington is no more! Yes, sir, the father of his country can no longer wield its deftioies. But, sir, I trust there are men (without re. forting to acquitted felons) Mr. Speaker, on whom the confidence of this nation might in fafety repose ; men whose military skill would be fully adequate to every emergency ; men who actuated by that patriotic love of country, not uncommon in the annals of this nation, would fight our battles, redeem the nation. al spirit, and when nations had returned to a sense of justice, and reparation had been made for the wrongs wantonly inflicted on us; would without hesitation resign their authority into the hands of the government from whence it emanated. We have been told, Mr. Speaker, that Great Britain is fighting the battles of the world, that we are protected by that nation" who rides on the mountain wave, whose home is on the deep.” Sir, for me myself I disclaim her protection-protected in what fir ? In our property ; No; it is a notorious fact that we are plundered in in every quarter of the world-on our own eoafts-even in the very mouths of our harbors-Are we protected in our liberties? Let the voice of our impressed seamen torn from their homes, their wives, their families speak their protection. Let the cries of their miserable offspring, deprived of their protector, their friend, their father declare their protection. But, sir, I have done. I am unwilling to cast a censure on the government of my native country, but I put it to this House, I put it to the nation, was it

brave? Was it consistent with that independence we profess to maintain, to submit without a struggle to that annihilation of the liberties of those hardy fons of our country, seeking their fubfift. ence on the watery element, that common high way of nations. Sir, they are our brothers, they are entitled to the same privileg. es, to the lame protection. Yet the gentlemen from Virginia fec ls no fympathifing emotions of foul on calling to mind the hardships they endure-yet, sir, he declares to us that should he be convin. ced that Great Britain has either directly or indirectly spilled the blood of our citizens—he would hefitate no longer, he would march to Canada. Let bim, fir, turn his eyes to those floating manfions, he will there behold the blood of our citizens : brave, honest, industrious citizens ; streaming in torrents, shed by the hands of their brothers, their friends. We have been told, fir, that G. Britain never will relinquilh her right, (for such they af. fect to call it) for one, fir, I never will submit to it. I had rather that fast anchored ise, that protector of the liberties of the world, should be swept from the catalogue of nations than submit that one American, one natural born citizen, thould at her will be torn from his family, his country, and kept in a state of the ncft horrid slavery. Sir, this will not be a war of conquest. It will be a struggle for existence. I am forry I have detained the House for a moment, I perfectly agree with the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Troup) ibat we should put an end to debate. I have been drawn into those remarks by what fell from my colleague. I again repeat that his doctrine is nothing more or less than lubmission. Sir, I denounce the principle.

MR. BOYD-Mr. Speaker, I should not have risen on the prcsent occafion, had not the honorable committee of foreign relations requested all those that did not intend to vote for such ulterior measures as they might hereafter find necessary to bring forward, would not vote for the present refolutions, as they were a part of a fyftem that might eventuate in war, &c. From those obfervations, I feel myself, and those that I in part have the hon. or to reprefent, called on to say how far I will go, and how far I will not go. Sir, when we talk about war, we ought to know for what we are going to wage it, and to see that the means are commensurate to the end. Let it not be thought by this that I have any apology to make for G. Britain or her manifold wrongs. I have none. I say, perish the heart, the head, and the tongue that will attempt her justification or apology. No, fir, they are a nation of pirates, and have committed many wrongs on us; and it becomes tis to look for our remedy, and how it is to be obtained. We are told that these resolutions are a part of a war measure. I do not receive them as such, but as preparatory to what may happen or become necessary. But for argument fake, fuppofe it fo, and that we are to have war ; your army raised and ready to march to the Canadas-with how many are you going to take them? In my opinion, not less than fifty thousand men will be required. Suppose the English should be driven out of Spain and Portugal, which may, by this time, be the case, or it may soon belo ; what number of troops can she send to reinforce her posfeffions and meet you? But, say some gentlemen, American blood hath been spilt, and we must avenge it. How is that to be done? For gallons will you spill torrents? or, am I to understand that we lhall have war without bloodshed ? Sir, let those that think so turn their attention to the revolutionary war. The sugarhouse, in New York, the prevoft, the prison ship, the Wallabout, fort Washington, White Plains, Princeton, Trenton, Mon mouth, Brandywine, Guilford, and many other places i New. Jersey hath had her full share of the fighting—other states the benc fit ; and if we have war again, we shall have our share of fighting, others the loaves and fishes. But, fir, I will not complain ; we obtained our liberty and I am willing to support it in the best poffible manner. But here another question arises. You go to war for the right to export our surplus produce, tobacco, cotton, flour, with many other articles. Let me ask what will be your export whilft that war continues? Will you kave any ? I think not ; but I will suppose that you could without interruption-would the whole of the exportable produce pay for the war during the continuance of it? No; it would not. Sir, it would take less money from the government to pay for it and make fire of it. Near thirty years have elapsed since the revolu. tionary war, and that war not half paid for. Is not the war.worn foldier calling on us every day with his demands? You are about to drain your treasury, borrow money, enlarge your pension lift, build additional hospitals, increase our national debt, not to be extinguished or paid off, but to be a lasting burden on the people.

But, say the honorable committee, our honor requires it. It is well ; I honor the spirit and magnanimity of the committee, and have no doubt of their courage and zeal for our country's rights. But, sir, you must take young men for action ; old men for counsel. It is an easy matter to go to law or war, but it is a hard matter to get out of it. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) in defending the character of the soldier hath give en us a quotation, viz.

“ Honor and shame from no condition rise,

Act well your part, there all the honor lies;"
I will give him another from the same authority, viz.

"A wit's a feather, a chief's a rod, (witness Bonaparte]

An honest man's the noblest work of God." But apart from this, let us suppose war, and admit that it will be successful, so far as is proposed ; the British driven from the Canadas and Halifax, and their trade intercepted for years to an extensive amount; what then hath she to hope or fear from us? Nothing. Will the then respect our rights ? No; but I will

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