manifefted to the whole world her fincere defire to fupport the neutral ftand which had been taken at the earlieft period of her government, and moft tenacioufly adhered to. We have carefully avoided, Mr. Speaker, any participation in that system of politics which has convulsed and diftracted the European world. We have restricted ourselves in the full enjoyment of our rights, left by ftrictly enforcing them, we might produce a collifion with any nation, however little her conduct might be guided by the principles of equity. Sir, we have borne with injury till, in the language of your committee, forbearance has ceafed to be a virtue. We have remonftrated, we have appealed to the juftice, to the intereft of the two great contending powers of Europe-every effort proved abortive, our calls for juftice were drowned in the declaration that their measures were merely retaliatory, and not intended to interfere with neutral rights-thus,fir, the matter refted when specific propofitions were submitted to each-yes, fir; by an act which has placed the impartiality of our country beyond the reach of fufpicion, we demanded of each the revocation of their obnoxious edicts as the only means of preferving our friendship. We all know what has been the confequence: France has met our advances, has embraced our propofitions; Great Britain not only refuses a repeal on her part, but, while the affects to lament the effects produced on neutral rights, takes the most effectual methods to render them perpetual. Sir, blindnefs and ignorance itself can no longer be deceived by British policy.

We have been told, fir, that this will be a war for the support of the carrying trade; let me here remark, and with to be diftinctly understood as avowing my determination never to give a vote, fo long as I have the honor of a feat on this floor, which will involve this country in a war for the recovery or fupport of this extraneous fpecies of commerce; I believe I shall not be incorrect when I affert, that nine-tenths of this country never did and never will derive the fmalleft benefit from it. But, fir, the right to carry in our own fhips, the produce of our own country to any quarter, not thereby violating the laws of nations, or contravening legitimate municipal regulations, is one which I never will yield; for, fir, in fo doing we paralise the industry of our citizens, we give a fatal blow to the beft interefts of our country-yes, fir, we yield the principle, we invite to farther encroachments. Our country, fir, is agricultural, but fo intimately blended with commerce, that the one cannot long exift unaided by the other, Sir, I will not yield an inch of ground, when by fo doing I deftroy an effential right of my country, I fap the foundation of that independence cemented by the blood of our fathers. We were told by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) a few days fince, that we have fufficient caufe for war,-I ask you then, fir, why do we hesitate? Shall we always yield? Shall we

always fhrink from the conteft? The adoption of this refolution is the touchftone, by it we rife or fall. We have been asked, Mr. Speaker, why not lay upon your table a propofition to go to war? 'tis there, fir, 'tis contained in this refolution---the moment we give it our fanétion we declare our fixed refolve to render effective the force contemplated to be raised. Yes, fir, unlefs Great Britain manik fts a difpofition speedily to do us juftice; by her acts, fir; not by her words. The gentleman from Virginia calls upon the the reprefentatives of the fea coaft, of the flave holding ftates, and afks if they are willing to fay to England" we intend to go to war with you'does the gentleman mean to excite our fears for the lofs of our property? As one of the many on this floor who ftand in the fituation mentioned by that gentleman, I ftop forth to declare for myfelf and my conftituents, that when lofs of national honor is placed in the fcale, and attempted to be balanced by pecuniary intereft, we will without hefitation kick the beam. But, fir, we are now contending for the reftoration of rights, the deprivation of which strike at the very foundations of our profperity.. Sir, to us it matters little whether our cities tumble into ruin by de fertion for want of employment; by poverty produced by British wrongs and aggreffions, or in vindicating the caufe of our country fall by a quicker procefs. Sir, I have no fear of invafion, and therefore have no fears ar fing from the black population, which ftrikes with fuch horror on the fen. fitive mind of the gentleman from Virginia. For my country, Mr.Speaker, I lament its exiftence; I view it as the bane,the curfe of the land, and moft fincerely, fir, do I with that a fecond Mofes could take them by the hand, and lead them in fafety to a distant land, where their cries would never more trike on the car of fympathy. For one, fir, I promife I would not expofe myfelf to the waves of the fea. We are told, Mr. Speaker, that we ftand pledged to France, that we must become a party with her in this war. Sir, I call upon the gentleman from Virginia to make the affertion good, to fix the imputation upon the executive or upon this Houfe. Sir, my pledge is to my country, to this very land; here and here alone the warm affections of my heart find a point around which to rally-To all other governments I am perfectly indifferent-I am no Frenchman, I am no Englishman.

We have been told, sir, that this will be a war of aggrandizement, a war of conqueft. I am as little difpofed to extend the territory as any other individual of this Houfe. I know that dif fimilar interefts muft and will prevail from a too great extenfion of our dominion. But, fir, we will not here enter into a difcuffion, whether an acceffion of country would or would not conduce to the interefts of the government. Sir, this will be a war forced upon us--we cannot under exifting circumftances avoid it. To wound our enemy in the moft vulnerable part

ihould only be confidered. Sir, I truft if our differences with Great Britain are not fpeedily adjufted, (of which indeed I have no expectation) we fhall take Canada; yes, fir, by force; by valer; not by feduction, as the gentleman from Virginia exprefferit. I have no reliance on their friendfhp, I hope it will not be calculated on. Sir, I am not deterred from the firm purpofes of my mind, by the predictions of the gentleman from VirginiaI have no fears, fir, that the people of our country will desert their government while aflerting the rights of the country-and I muft believe, that gentleman's affertion to the contrary notwithstanding, that Virginia will not be the laft to afford fupplies. We are told, fir, that republicans are inconfiftent; that in '98 they refufed to raife an army although general Washington would be at their head, and that we then had fufficient caufe to go to war with the directory of France-for my felf, fir, I was at that period conning the leffons of childhood. I will not now undertake to fay whether at that time there was or was not caufe for war. as has been declared. To me it matters not. Sir. I am juft commencing my political career, I am confiftent; I find my country degraded by infults unrevenged; almoft ruined by her efforts to preferve friendship with nations who feel power and forget right; and although I am opposed to the principle of having large ftanding armies in our country-yet, fir, under thofe circumftances I feel juftifiable in departing from the general principle. Wathington is no more! Yes, fir, the father of his country can no longer wield its deftinies. But, fir, I trust there are men (without reforting to acquitted felons) Mr. Speaker, on whom the confidence of this nation might in fafety repofe; men whofe military skill would be fully adequate to every emergency; men who actuated by that patriotic love of country, not uncommon in the annals of this nation, would fight our battles, redeem the national spirit, and when nations had returned to a fenfe of juftice, and reparation had been made for the wrongs wantonly inflicted on us; would without hesitation refign their authority into the hands of the government from whence it emanated. We have been told, Mr. Speaker, that Great Britain is fighting the battles of the world; that we are protected by that nation who rides on the mountain wave, whofe home is on the deep." Sir, for me myfelf I difclaim her protection-protected in what fir? In our property; No; it is a notorious fact that we are plundered in in every quarter of the world-on our own coafts-even in the very mouths of our harbors-Are we protected in our liberties? Let the voice of our impreffed feamen torn from their homes, their wives, their families fpeak their protection. Let the cries of their miferable offspring, deprived of their protector, their friend, their father declare their protection. But, fir, I have done. I am unwilling to caft a cenfure on the government of my native country, but I put it to this House, I put it to the nation, was it

brave? Was it confiftent with that independence we profefs to maintain, to fubmit without a struggle to that annihilation of the liberties of thofe hardy fons of our country, fecking their fubfift. ence on the watery clement, that common high way of nations. Sir, they are our brothers, they are entitled to the fame privileg es, to the fame protection. Yet the gentlemen from Virginia fee is no fympathifing emotions of foul on calling to mind the hardfhips they endure yet, fir, he declares to us that fhould he be convin. ced that Great Britain has either directly or indirectly fpilled the blood of our citizens-he would hefitate no longer, he would march to Canada. Let him, fir, turn his eyes to thofe floating manfions, he will there behold the blood of our citizens: brave, honeft, industrious citizens ; ftreaming in torrents, fhed by the hands of their brothers, their friends. We have been told, fir, that G. Britain never will relinquish her right, (for such they affect to call it) for one, fir, I never will fubmit to it. I had rather that faft anchored ifle, that protector of the liberties of the world, fhould be fwept from the catalogue of nations than fubmit that one American, one natural born citizen, fhould at her will be torn from his family, his country, and kept in a state of the mcft horrid flavery. Sir, this will not be a war of conqueft. It will be a ftruggle for existence. I am forry I have detained the House for a moment, I perfectly agree with the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Troup) that we thould put an end to debate. I have been drawn into these remarks by what fell from my colleague. I again repeat that his doctrine is nothing more or lefs' than fubmiffion. Sir, I denounce the principle.

MR. BOYD-Mr. Speaker, I fhould not have risen on the present occafion, had not the honorable committee of foreign relations requested all those that did not intend to vote for fuch ulterior meafures as they might hereafter find neceffary to bring forward, would not vote for the present refolutions, as they were a part of a fyftem that might eventuate in war, &c. From those obfervations, I feel myfelf, and thofe that I in part have the honor to reprefent, called on to fay how far I will go, and how far I will not go. Sir, when we talk about war, we ought to know for what we are going to wage it, and to see that the means are commenfurate to the end. Let it not be thought by this that I have any apology to make for G. Britain or her manifold wrongs. I have none. I fay, perifh the heart, the head, and the tongue that will attempt her juftification or apology. No, fir, they are a nation of pirates, and have committed many wrongs on us; and it becomes us to look for our remedy, and how it is to be obtained. We are told that these refolutions are a part of a war measure. I do not receive them as fuch, but as preparatory to what may happen or become neceffary. But for argument fake, fuppofe it fo, and that we are to have war; your army raised and ready to

march to the Canadas-with how many are you going to take them? In my opinion, not less than fifty thousand men will be required. Suppose the Englifh fhould be driven out of Spain and Portugal, which may, by this time, be the cafe, or it may foon belo; what number of troops can she fend to reinforce her poffeffions and meet you? But, fay fome gentlemen, American blood hath been fpilt, and we muft avenge it. How is that to be done? For gallons will you fpill torrents? or, am I to understand that we fhall have war without bloodshed? Sir, let thofe that think fo turn their attention to the revolutionary war. The fugarhoufe, in New-York, the prevoft, the prifon fhip, the Wallabout, fort Washington, White Plains, Princeton, Trenton, Monmouth, Brandywine, Guilford, and many other places; NewJerfey hath had her full fhare of the fighting-other ftates the bent fit; and if we have war again, we fhall have our fhare of fighting, others the loaves and fishes. But, fir, I will not complain; we obtained our liberty and I am willing to fupport it in the beft poffible manner. But here another question arifes. You go to war for the right to export our furplus produce, tobacco, cotton, flour, with many other articles. Let me afk what will be your export whilft that war continues? Will you have any? I think not; but I will fuppofe that you could without interruption-would the whole of the exportable produce pay for the war during the continuance of it? No; it would not. Sir, it would take lefs money from the government to pay for it and make fire of it. Near thirty years have elapfed fince the revolutionary war, and that war not half paid for. Is not the war.worn foldier calling on us every day with his demands? You are about to drain your treasury, borrow money, enlarge your penfion lift, build additional hofpitals, increase our national debt, not to be extinguished or paid off, but to be a lasting burden on the people.

But, fay the honorable committee, our honor requires it. It is well; I honor the fpirit and magnanimity of the committee, and have no doubt of their courage and zeal for our country's rights. But, fir, you must take young men for action; old men for counfel. It is an eafy matter to go to law or war, but it is a hard matter to get out of it. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) in defending the character of the foldier hath given us a quotation, viz.

"Honor and shame from no condition rise,
Act well your part, there all the honor lies;"

I will give him another from the fame authority, viz.

"A wit's a feather, a chief's a rod, [witness Bonaparte]

An honest man's the noblest work of God."

But apart from this, let us fuppofe war, and admit that it will be fuccessful, fo far as is propofed; the British driven from the Canadas and Halifax, and their trade intercepted for years to an extenfive amount; what then hath fhe to hope or fear from us? Nothing. Will fhe then refpect our rights? No; but I will