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bility, are against coeducation on general principles. Similar influences in favor of the separate education of women go out from the sister institutions of the East.

The only serious new argument against coeducation is that derived from the fear of the adoption by universities of woman's standards of art and science rather than those of man, the fear that amateurism would take the place of specialization in our higher education. Women take up higher education because they enjoy it; men because their careers depend upon it. Only men, broadly speaking, are capable of objective studies.

Girls

It is quite true, as President Hall has lately shown, that the work of the woman student in college, in almost all fields except the creative, is better than that of men of the same age. are more docile than boys; they take better care of their time; they see from a nearer view-point; they are cleaner, not only in their work, but in their acts; they write better examination papers; they are saved from vice not alone by environment, but by instinct. In general, they excel in the conventional courses, especially in those against which the average healthy boy has for generations rebelled.

They excel in others, as President Hall indicates, because these courses appeal to their tastes. The girls compete for outworn prizes, and will complete a useless piece of work with a care and patience which a boy will rarely show on better material.

It has been feared that the admission of women to the university would vitiate the masculinity of its standards, that neatness of technique would impair boldness of conception, and delicacy of taste replace soundness of results. It is claimed that the preponderance of high-school educated women in ordinary society is showing some such effects in matters of current opinion. For example, it is claimed that the university extension course is no longer of university nature. There is nothing ruggedly true, nothing masculine left in it.

Current literature and history are affected by the same influences. Women pay clever actors to teach them, not Shakespeare or Goethe, but how one ought to feel on reading "King Lear" or "Faust." Such studies may be good for the feelings or even for the moral nature, but they have no elements of that "fanaticism for veracity" which is the highest attribute of the educated

man.

Current literature reflects the taste of the leisure class. The women with leisure who read and discuss vapid books are not representative of woman's higher education. Most of them have never been educated at all.

In any event, this gives no argument against coeducation. It is thorough training, not separate training, which is indicated as the need of the times. Where this training is taken is a secondary matter, tho I believe with the fulness of certainty that better results, mental, moral, and physical, can be obtained in coeducation than in any monastic form of instruction.

Finally, does not coeducation lead to marriage? We need not worry over this, because it is in fact not true, and because if it were, its effects would be of little consequence in the development of the race. Love and marriage and parenthood will go on normally whatever our scheme of edu

cation.

No doubt university training of women, as distinguished from college training, postpones marriage, and probably the majority of the women taking advanced training have in some degree placed some other ideal, at least as a present aim, before that of matrimony. Some of these women are perhaps "agamic" or "agenesic" by nature; and, if so, doubtless they ought not to marry under any circumstances. But there is not the slightest evidence that highly educated women are necessarily rendered sterile or celibate by their education. The best wives in the world belong to this class.

It is true, no doubt, that cultivated women are more exacting than other women. They are less likely to marry for convenience, and they expect more from their husbands. For these same reasons, their marriages are less likely to prove unhappy.

The woman who finishes credibly the undergraduate course in a well-regulated American college, coeducational or otherwise, has accomplished no tour de force, and has performed no dangerous feat of mental gymnastics. She has lived for four years an essentially normal life under wholesome and uplifting conditions.

Nor is the future of our race dependent on having every woman bear the largest possible number of children. In so far as education is genuine, it helps a woman to rear an increasing proportion of the number she bears.

The mental activity necessary to a successful college course is not intense enough to interfere with fecundity. If it were so in individual cases, there is not a ghost of a reason for believing that such a condition is hereditary. We need not fear that college education on a large scale means progressive race sterility.

DAVID STARR JORDAN.

REFERENCES: Articles, Review of Reviews, Jan., 1904; Outlook, Dec., 1992; Education, March, 1903; Independent, March, 1993; Nation, April, 1903; Harper's Bazar (W. R. Harper), Jan, and March, 1905; Munsey's (against, G. Stanley Hall), Feb., 1906; Educational Review, Feb., 1907.

CŒUR D'ALENE, STRIKES AT: Some of the most violent industrial disturbances in the United States have taken place at the Cour d' Alene mines in Idaho, especially in the years 1899 and 1902. In 1899 mining industrial troubles developed widely in Idaho. At Wardner a mill of the Bunker Hill mine was blown up. It was never proved by whom, but the striking miners were accused. The mine-owners telegraphed to Washington for federal troops. Brigadier-General Merriam was dispatched with troops, some of them colored. He at once declared martial law in Shoshone County. He reported that there were no signs of resistance, but made a thousand or more arrests. The prosecuting attorney pro tem. for the county, who was also an attorney for the Bunker Hill & Sullivan Mining Company, had the courts suspend the writ of habeas corpus. Hundreds of the arrested men were cast into a discarded bull or cattle pen, with straw in the stables to sleep on. The food was bitterly complained of and served, some said, in large pans from which the prisoners had to dip with their fingers. They were certainly treated inhumanly, and the evils and injustices of the "bull pen have rankled in the minds of organized labor in the U. S. It is claimed, however, by the capitalists that the declaration of martial law was a necessity and that the arrested men who were

innocent were not detained long, being released as soon as their innocence was established.

On the other hand, it is charged against the union miners that in the strike of 1902 they marched on the Coeur d'Alene mines, shot fleeing non-union miners, so that nearly fifty were shot or drowned, took possession of the town, and committed other lawless acts. See WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS.

COFFEE-HOUSES: Coffee-houses as rivals of liquor taverns have been favored almost from the beginning of the active temperance agitation. As early as 1830 and 1831 there was a coffeehouse movement in Scotland, under the auspices of temperance societies, resulting in the successful operation of such establishments in nearly all the principal towns and cities, but many of them at that time sold the lighter alcoholic beverages as well as tea and coffee. It was in protest against this practise that the Dunfermline Society, Sept. 21, 1830, formed itself into the "Dunfermline Association for the promotion of temperance by the relinquishment of all intoxicating liquors," and passed a resolution agreeing "to give no encouragement or support to any coffee-house established or receiving countenance from any temperance society, for the sale of intoxicating liquors "(Dawson Burns's "Temperance History," vol. i., p. 48). In 1844 (ib., p. 248) "the coffeehouses of Glasgow, conducted on strict temperance principles, and provided with news rooms, etc., were in some respects much superior to the coffee taverns and palaces of the present day.'

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But it is more recently, and in England especially, that the coffee-house has become a prominent feature of the temperance movement. Liverpool, Birmingham, Bradford, and other large cities in England are plentifully supplied

with these places, while in London, where the development has been In England slower, a large number of establishments have been opened by the Lockhart Coffee-House Company, with the prospect of a rapid increase in the number. Two weekly newspapers in London, the Temperance Caterer and the Refreshment News (the latter the organ of the Coffee-Tavern Protection Society), are especially devoted to the coffee-house movement and its interests. In 1872 Rev. Charles Garrett conceived the idea of a coffee saloon in Liverpool, which should combine every attraction of the liquor saloon except the bar. A company was formed, and such a place, with reading-room attached, was opened near the docks. Refreshments were served at the cheapest rates. The enterprise was so successful that there are at present in Liverpool more than sixty of these cocoa rooms, as they are called, while the British Workman's Cocoa-House Company, of Liverpool, which has them in charge, has in no year paid less than 10 per cent dividends. Coffee-houses were established in Bradford after their success had been manifested in Liverpool, and the Bradford Coffee-House Company has opened twenty places in that city and its suburbs. Birmingham also is plentifully supplied with coffee-houses, or coffee-house hotels, and they are successful from a business point of view, as well as influential in molding temperance sentiment. The coffeehouse movement has extended into Canada and Australia, but has made little progress in the United States. Probably the nearest approaches to the English coffee-house to be found in this

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country are the temperance restaurants established in various cities by enterprising or philanthropic persons, those opened and very successfully managed by Joshua L. Bailey, in open Philadelphia, being especially worthy of mention.

The Boston Coffee-House

Another form of the coffee-house work is found in the rooms opened in Boston by the New England Department of the Church Temperance Society. The emphasis is placed in these rooms upon the social aspect, very little attention being paid to the sale of food and drink. Pool tables and other games are provided, smoking is allowed, and the aim has been to afford all the freedom of the barroom without the slavery, which is the penalty that has to be paid in places where social freedom means social drinking. In each of these rooms a program of entertainment and instruction is provided once a week; and the great success of this kind of work is demonstrated by the fact that a number of cultivated men and women come to talk about anything which interests themselves, and in the ever-increasing attention and appreciation on the part of the young men who frequent the rooms. Now and then the talk will be a religious one, but, as a rule, these are not preaching places.

There is always plenty of water, for those who visit these rooms are thirsty people. As a rule they prefer water to coffee. The rooms are smoky; tobacco is not sold, but there is no restriction upon smoking.

General good order prevails; when parties get turbulent beyond control the doors are labeled "closed for a week on account of disorder," and in every instance the disturbers, missing their privileges, have returned and apologized.

The general idea is, of course, to make the rooms as nearly like a liquor saloon as possible, without the liquor. But good reading matter (illustrated papers, etc.) is provided in abundance.

The mere fact that, at the lowest estimate, the attendance in the Boston coffee-rooms has averaged during some seasons over 300 young men each night, is a sufficient argument for going on with the work; for this average of 300 a night means an attendance during one month of 7,800; during six months, of 46,800; during four years, of 187,000.

After twenty years of this kind of activity, the workers in it feel every year a stronger conviction that it is a good work, and right in line with the sanest temperance sentiment of the day. Tho the Boston coffee-house is not supported by any endowment, there is a constantly increasing sympathy with the work on the part of an always lengthening list of subscribers. A monthly program of the lectures and entertainments is sent to something over 600 people. In case of special need of financial help a simple statement is made of the facts, and the responses are always speedy and generous.

S. H. HILLIARD.

COGHLAN, TIMOTHY AUGUSTINE: Acting agent-general for New South Wales in London since Feb., 1905; born at Sydney, N. S. W., 1855; educated in the grammar-schools of that city. He was appointed to Public Works Department in 1873; became assistant engineer of harbors and rivers in 1884; and officiated as government statistician 1886-1905; and as registrar of friendly societies 1892-1905. From 1896 to 1900 he was a member of the Public Service Board; and he

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served on three royal commissions: (1) to inquire into the Marine Board, 1896; (2) to inquire into the cause of the decline of the birth-rate, 1903; and (3) to subdivide the State of New South Wales into electorates, 1904. He was president of the Conference of Austin, and is president of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science. Among his works may be mentioned: "Wealth and Progress of New South Wales"; "The Seven Colonies of Australasia"; "Childbirth"; "Notes on the Financial Aspect of the Australian Federation"; and, jointly with T. T. Ewing, M.P., "Progress of Australia during the Nineteenth Century.' Address: Office of the Agent-General, London, England.

COGNETTI DE MARTIIS, SALVATORE: Italian sociologist and economist; born at Bari, Italy, 1844. In 1868 he became professor in the Institute of Technology of that place; the next year he accepted a similar position in Mantua, and in 1876 he was called to take the chair of political economy in the University of Turin. Professor Cognetti, according to Cossa, may be classed with the Italian sociological school. He has especially studied the economic functions of animal and savage life, and by investigations in philology, etc., has thrown much light on the origins of socialism in antiquity. He has, however, studied modern economic conditions, and particularly those of the United States. He is the author of: "Delle Attinenze tra l'Economia Sociale e la Storia" (Florence, 1866); “Le Forme primitive nell' Evoluzione Economica" (Turin, 1881); “Il Socialismo negli State Uniti d'America" (Turin, 1887); and "Socialismo Antico" (1889).

COHN, GUSTAV: German economist; born at Marienwerder, West Prussia, 1840; studied in Berlin and Jena; Fellow of the Royal Statistical Seminary of Berlin, 1867–68, afterward at Heidelberg and the Polytechnic at Riga. In 1873 he visited England, and as a result of his studies published his "Untersuchungen über die englische Eisenbahnpolitik." In 1875 he was called to the Polytechnic at Zurich, and in 1884 as regular professor to the University of Göttingen. Öne of the foremost economists in Germany, his writings have been numerous. Perhaps his best-known works are his "System der Nationalökonomie" (1886), in which his chapters on cooperation, the normal labor day, and freedom of industry are of special value; and his "Finanzwissenschaft" (1889). He has written on the woman question (1897), besides various historical studies. Address: Göttingen, Germany.

COIT, STANTON: American ethical lecturer; born in Columbus, Ohio, 1857; was graduated at Amherst, 1879, and took the degree of Ph.D. at Berlin, 1885. Studying social conditions, and living himself in a tenement among the poor, he founded the Neighborhood Guild in the tenth ward in New York City in 1887, and became one of the founders, and for two years head worker of the University Settlement in that city. He was for several years lecturer with Professor ADLER of the New York Society for Ethical Culture. In 1888 he succeeded Mr. Moncure D. Conway, in London, as lecturer of the South Place Ethical Society, and instituted a Neighborhood Guild in London, and later founded and became head of the West London Ethical Society. He was one of the founders of the International Journal of Ethics.

His main works are "Neighborhood Guilds"; "The Ethical Movement in Religion,” issued in Germany, and several lectures in one volume, translated into French and published as "La Religion basée sur la Morale." Address: 30 Hyde Park Gate, S.W., London, England.

COLBERT, JEAN BAPTISTE: French statesman; born at Rheims, 1619. He rose from office to office, till he became one of the greatest ministers France has ever had. In 1661 he became controller-general. His first reform was to reduce the taille-a direct property tax-and to establish a departmental office. He was especially noted for his love of system and regularity in industry and commerce. Frequently his regulations were strict even to severity. His economic method was to organize industry, sustain it by custom-house regulations and protection, and to create model manufactures by grants of money or privilege. All financial dishonesties he strove with laudable severity to check. His mind was not sufficiently profound to establish a complete system; he dealt with immediate difficulties, and overcame them by his energy and good sense. He interested himself in the shipping trade and in the arts and sciences, encouraging the arts by liberal presents and pensions. In 1663 he founded the Academy of Înscriptions and Belles Lettres, and in 1668 the Academy of the Sciences. He died in Paris, 1683.

He

COLINS, JEAN GUILLAUME CESAR ALEXANDRE HIPPOLYTE, BARON DE: French soldier and sociologist; born at Brussels, 1783. entered the French army at an early age, and won many honors. In 1833 he settled down to a quiet life, and pursued at Paris his scientific and social studies. In 1835 he issued his first work, entitled "Le Pact Social." In it he advocated collectivism, and declared that "immovable property belongs to all." Numerous other works on social questions followed, and he continued to write until his death in 1859.

Colins and his disciples called their system Rational Socialism. They believed in spiritualism and atheism, denying the existence of a God, while at the same time affirming the immortality of the human soul. Morality, they say, is sufficiently based upon personal immortality. All men are equal, free, moral, and therefore responsible beings. M. de Laveleye, in his "Socialism of To-day," gives the following concise account of their economic doctrines:

Originally there existed only man and the earth on which he lived: on the one hand, labor; and on the other, the soil or raw material, without which all labor would be impossible. But from the joint action of these two elements of production there soon came into being wealth of a peculiar kind, in which labor was, as it were, accumulated, which was movable and separate from the soil. This was capital. Labor is free when the raw material, the soil, belongs to it; otherwise it is enslaved. Man therefore can, in fact, only exercise his energy with the permission of the owners of the raw material; and he who requires the authority of another before he can act is clearly not free. In order, then, that all the members of the community should become permanent proprietors of the national soil, the soil must be collectively appropriated.

The collective appropriation of the soil implies, in the first place, that it should be at the disposal of all who wish to utilize it; and secondly, that the rent, paid by the tenants to the community, should be expended for the common benefit of all. The above relates to the production of wealth. Let us now consider the way in which rational socialism regulates its distribution.

When labor is free-as is necessarily the case when the land is accessible to all-every one can live without being obliged to accept wages from anybody. In that case, a man would work for others only if they offered him, as wages, more than

he could gain by working for himself. This situation is exprest in economic terms by saying that then wages would tend to a maximum, and when it exists, the distribution of wealth is so affected that the larger share of the product goes to labor and the smaller to capital. But when labor is enslaved, the laborers are forced, under pain of starvation, to compete with one another in offering their labor to those who possess land and capital; and then their wages fall to what is strictly necessary for existence and reproduction; while if the holders of wealth do not need labor, the unemployed laborers must disappear. Wages, then, tend to a minimum, and the distribution of wealth takes place in such a way that the greater part goes to the landowners and capitalists, and the smaller to the laborers. When labor is free, every man's wealth increases in proportion to the toil he has expended; but when labor is enslaved, his wealth grows in proportion to the capital he has accumulated.

From these two opposite modes of distribution flow, according to Colins, the two following consequences, each of which has reference to one or other of the two systems of holding land above described: When land is owned by individuals, the wealth of one class of the community and the poverty of the other increase in parallel lines, and in proportion to the growth of intellectual power; but when land is collectively appropriated, the wealth of all increases in proportion to the activity of each, and to the advance of civilization.

Colins has developed also some original views on the history of communities, which have been reproduced by M. L. de Pottre in his "Dictionnaire Rationnel."

COLLECTIVISM: A term sometimes used in the United States and in Great Britain, but frequently in France, to denote socialism as distinguished from anarchism or communism, both of which are sometimes, tho wrongfully, included under socialism. Collectivism is also used sometimes to indicate the general sociological scheme of socialism, as distinct from any particular form of or plan for carrying out its ideas.

COLLECTIVIST SOCIETY: Organized in New York City, 1902. Its principles are set forth as follows:

We believe that the true principle of production and distribution is exprest in the dictum: From each according to his ability; to each according to his needs." This principle requires that all should have the opportunity of useful work, and that all should engage in useful work under the penalty of public disgrace; that all should receive comfortable incomes except those who will not work, and that none should receive excessively high incomes, as the latter are morally injurious both to the recipient and to the community. The ultimate operation of this principle will be toward the ideal of practical equality of incomes.

We believe that this principle can be made effective only by the people acting as a whole through governments truly democratic.

We believe that this is no far-off ideal, but is in all civilized countries an attainable rule to be embodied, step by step, into law, custom, and habit.

We believe that the establishment of this principle will require the transfer of the means of production and distribution into the hands of the community; and that every transfer of this nature should be accompanied by full provision for those expropriated on the basis of their needs.

We believe that our governments, national, state, and local, are worthy of hearty allegiance, as in the main good institutions, far more free and beneficent than governments in past times. We believe, however, that they can be made vastly more beneficent through changes for which the present time is ripe.

We believe that in those cases where the powers of government are now used for private gain to the detriment of the people at large, it is because the energetic demands of private interests are not met by an enlightened and united opposition.

We believe that this evil-the exploitation of the powers of government for private gain-should be abolished and our government made fully responsive to the people's will, through the establishment of direct legislation, proportional representation, and the power of recall.

We believe that the measures, other than the last named, which at present promise best results are:

Legislation to secure work to the unemployed; to establish a maximum day and a minimum wage for all workers; and to provide pensions for the aged.

The taxation of franchises at their full value, and the graduated taxation of land values, incomes, and inheritances.

The assumption by city and state governments of enlarged

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and new activities for the common benefit, including the ownership of public utilities.

The assumption by the national Government of the telegraphs, railroads, and mines.

The organization works mainly by publishing and circulating tracts carefully prepared on evolutionary, scientific, and Christian socialism, and by holding meetings and conferences in New York. Secretary, Miss M. R. Holbrook, P. O. Box 1663, New York City.

COLORADO COOPERATIVE COMPANY, THE: Organized and incorporated in Colorado in 1904, to reclaim by irrigation desert land on Tabeguache Park, whereon to found independent homes for its stockholders. This tract of land in Montrose County, southwestern Colorado, consists of 30,000 acres, two thirds of which is arable and fertile. It is specially adapted to fruit growing and general farming. Timber, coal, and building stone are in close proximity, as well as large deposits of the more precious metals. To reclaim the land an irrigation canal, more than twenty miles in length had to be built, costing at least $300,000. To accomplish this work, stock subscriptions were taken in shares of $100 each, payable in cash, labor, or products of practical use to the company. The source of supply is the San Miguel River, a never-failing stream.

None but stockholders are employed, each of whom receives thirty cents per hour, payable in stock and food supplies from the company's store. There are about 400 stockholders, holding varying numbers of shares. The land holdings range from a town lot to a quarter section, tho a fortyacre tract is the usual claim of each stockholder. Each share of stock entitles its owner to draw a prorata share of water flowing in the canal, and on full completion it is estimated that a share will properly irrigate four acres. The unclaimed land may be still homesteaded or otherwise entered at $1.25 per acre. There is as yet no railroad, but surveys are being made, and the prospects for one are fair.

Under the title of The Nucla Town Improvement Company the colonists have incorporated a town company. The stock is divided into shares of $10 each, and each share entitles the holder to a lease of one business lot, or two residence lots, for ninety-nine years, with privilege of renewal. A block of four acres is the maximum holding of any shareholder. The organization is based on the Henry George single tax idea. (See FAIRHOPE.) Nucla town site already embraces 400 acres, nearly all of which is under lease, and more land is expected to be soon ready for platting into lots and blocks. Those appreciative of magnificent scenery, a mild and healthful climate, and an intelligent and progressive community, will find it at Nucla.

F. B. LOGAN.

COLWELL, STEPHEN: American merchant and economist: born in Virginia, 1800; admitted to the bar in his native state, but gave up the profession of law to become an iron merchant in Philadelphia. He studied and wrote much on political economy, being a protectionist; and he was a frequent contributor to the periodicals of his time. His best-known work is "The Ways and Means of Commercial Payment" (1858), in which he attempts to give a full analysis of the credit system, and contends that error has always been made in not distinguishing between

money of gold and silver, and forms of credit. His work is valuable also because of its historical inquiry into the growth of the credit system; and throughout it reveals independence of thought and research. He refused to accept the view that the quantity of money is the controlling factor in determining prices. In 1865 he was appointed a member of the revenue commission, and in the year following made a valuable report on taxation. He died in Philadelphia, 1872. Among his more extended writings may be mentioned: "The Relative Position in our Industry of Foreign Commerce, Domestic Production, and Internal Trade"; and an American edition of Frederick List's "National System of Political Economy," for which he wrote a preliminary essay. His other writings of economic interest are: "The Claims of Labor, and their Precedence to the Claims of Free Trade"; "Gold, Banks, and Taxation and State and National Systems of Banks," "Expansion of the Currency, the Advance of Gold, and the Defects of the Internal Revenue Bill of June, 1864."

COMMERCE (from Latin com, together, and mercari, to trade) is sometimes used for the interchange of any goods or property, but more correctly for the interchange of goods on a large scale and between different countries or different portions of one country.

The first race to carry on commerce on a large scale was the Phoenicians, first in Tyre and Sidon, and then in the Phoenician colony of Carthage. Much of the commerce of Rome was tribute rather than trade. With the breaking up of the Roman Empire commerce languished till the rise of the free cities of Italy, Venice, Florence, and Pisa. Commerce was also much quickened by the crusades. The free cities of Germany and the Netherlands, which formed the Hanseatic League, created a still greater commerce. The introduction of the mariner's compass into Europe in 1302 and the discovery of the New World and of the Cape of Good Hope vastly developed commerce, particularly in Spain, Portugal, and England, and later in the Netherlands. By the seventeenth century Spain and Portugal had lost their prestige, and England had become the great commercial nation of the world. In medieval times commerce was greatly restricted by dues, taxes, and laws. After the discovery of the New World, governments tried to favor commerce by granting monopolies, trading privileges, etc., often doing more harm than good. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century laissez faire has been the general policy. But see PROTECTION.

It

Enormous strides have been made recently in the development of commerce. At the beginning of the nineteenth century men still lived to a large extent in isolated communities. Only a few good roads existed. Even in England rivers rather than roads were the channels of commerce. took many days to go from Edinburgh to London in the speediest way. When the battle of Waterloo was fought (1815) it took three days for the news to arrive in London. Dr. Atkinson as late as 1847 was eight months in going from New England to Oregon. Foreign commerce was largely limited to voyages made by ships fitted out or chartered for the special trip, and often a commercial venture of the captain himself. Each nation and each section of the nation had to raise its own food. Hence the failure of a crop in one locality meant a famine, and famines were numerous. To-day the world has become a single market. The use of steam as a motor power on land and sea, and the use of electricity for conveying intelligence has revolutionized commerce. Merchants in England make purchases in India the same day, and on the next day the purchased goods start on their journey. The Suez Canal has reduced the voyage between London and

It has de

Calcutta to thirty days instead of 200. stroyed 2,000,000 of tonnage (see PANAMA). Fresh fruit, raised in California, is sold in London. Fresh meat is carried from New York to Liverpool for one cent a pound. Boxed meats have been carried from Chicago to London at one half a cent a pound. The productions of North America, South America, Australia, Russia, and Egypt battle for the world's markets. It has been calculated that railways have added to the power of the human race a force somewhat greater than that of a horse working twelve days for every inhabitant of the globe. Statistics, however, best show the growth of commerce.

FOREIGN COMMERCE OF PRINCIPAL COUNTRIES (Compiled from U. S. Statistical Abstract, 1906) Statistics for 1905 except as stated

NOTE.-United States equivalents of the following mone tary units: Argentina: Paper peso (1905)=42.5 cents. Bolivia: Boliviano (1905) = 44 cents; (1906)=47.7 cents. Brazil: Milreis (1905-6)=30.4 cents. China: H. tael (1905)=73.6 cents. Costa Rica: Colon (1905-6)=46.5 cents. Greece: Paper drachma (1905-6)= 15.7 cents. Haiti: Paper peso (1905-6)=25 cents. Honduras: Silver peso (1904-5)=43 cents. Nicaragua: Peso curr. (1905) = 17 cents. Paraguay: Paper peso (1906)=8 cents. Portugal: Milreis curr. (1905) 99.2 cents. Salvador: Peso (1905)=44.1 cents. Síam: Tical (1905-6)=30 cents. Spain: Peseta curr. (1906)=17.1 Turkey: £T=$4.40.

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