American Federation

economic and industrial success. Mainly agricultural, it has herds of blooded cattle, sheep, hogs, and a large number of fine horses. It also does a growing manufacturing business. The two largest woolen mills in Iowa are owned and operated by the community. The famous colony blue prints are made here; 80 pieces of these, containing 45 yards each, are turned out in a day. The community has, moreover, two large flouring mills, with full roller process and elevators, manufacturing pearl barley and hominy. There are three machine-shops where the machinery used by the community is repaired. Besides these there are dye-shops, blacksmith shops, sawmills, a printing-office, and other lesser industries. Their business is growing, because their patrons are well treated. Their goods are honest goods, the Amana brand telling its own story.

Organization

The community lives in eight villages, two or three miles apart, Amana being the center, and Homestead the most important railroad office. Each village has its own doctor, school, post-office, store, hotel, and place of meeting. The government of the community is vested in a president-now Dr. Jacob Winzenried-and a board of thirteen directors, elected annually by the community. Family life is preserved inviolate, each family living alone, except where two or three prefer to live in the same house. They come together, however, for common meals in little boarding-houses, one for every thirty to forty persons. The fare is simple, but abundant and healthy. The houses are pleasant and homelike, tho unpainted, being covered in summer with vines and surrounded bylittle flower gardens. The communism is absolute, all the necessities of life being provided freely for all, and the industries being operated for the equal advantage of all.

Belief

The life is simple and quiet, there being few amusements and little variety; national holidays and memorial days, however, are observed. The community is very religious. A prayer-meeting is held in each village every night of the week, where the men sit on one side and the women on the other, and quietly sing their German Lutheran chants, or pray, or read from the Bible or the books of their prophets or leaders. They call their communities True Inspiration Congregations, and believe in the Trinity, justification by faith, the resurrection of the dead, the gradual purification of the impenitent by fire, the communism of all saints as a necessary part of Christianity. They believe that an era of inspiration began in the eighteenth century, the Holy Ghost speaking to their founder, Erasmus Gruber, and other "prophets." They drink wine made by their own labor, formerly brewing the best beer of the state, and deriving quite a profit from this, which practise, however, they quietly ended when Iowa became a prohibition state, doing this out of respect to the law and the opinions of their neighbors. Wine, however, they give to their employees in harvest time as freely and generously as to themselves. The life being so simple and quiet, and without great educational advantages, many of the young people leave, and are allowed to do so, but often are glad to come back to the peace

is German. The beginning of the sect was in Würtemberg, Germany, where it was founded in 1714 by Erasmus Gruber. Later Christian Metz became their leader, and he brought them to the United States in 1843. First settling in Ebenezer, Erie County, N. Y., they moved to their present site in 1855-64.

REFERENCES: Cooperative Communities in the United States, by Rev. A. Kent; Bulletin of United States Department of Labor, No. 35, July, 1901.

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION: See CONSTITUTION.

AMERICA: See UNITED STATES, etc.

AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, THE: An academy organized in Philadelphia, Dec. 14, 1889, with the object of furnishing a platform for the discussion of the various problems of modern life, paying particular attention to those which were not adequately represented in the work of other learned societies. The academy holds four scientific sessions each year, in addition to the annual meeting of two days' duration, which is held in April. The proceedings of the academy are published in the form of a bi-monthly periodical called The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.

In earlier years the numbers of The Annals contained papers upon many topics, but more recently the policy has been to devote each number to some special topic. Recent issues have been devoted to such subjects as City Life and Progress, Child Labor, Philanthropy and Penology, Insurance and Commercial_Organization, and Business Management and Finance. From time to time monographs on special topics have been published as supplements. Among these may be mentioned Housing Conditions in Jersey City," by Miss Mary B. Sayles. Bound copies of the various numbers are sold at $1.25 each.

Any person interested in the general purposes of the academy may become a member, if approved by the council, by paying the annual membership fee of $5.00 or a life fee of $100.00. Life members are exempt from annual fees. Members receive all the publications of the academy and are entitled to submit papers and communications and to attend and participate in all scientific meetings. The members (1906) number 3,713, of whom 116 are life members. The list embraces a large number of the prominent thinkers and writers on political, economic, and social topics in America, with an increasing representation from Mexico, South America, and Europe.

During the last sixteen years more than 500 of the more important articles appearing in The Annals have been reprinted and sold at low price. Among these may be mentioned: The Development of Park Systems in American Cities," by Andrew W. Crawford; "Principles of Reform and Penal Law," by Charlton T. Lewis; "Recent Tendencies in American Legislation," by Samuel J. Barrows; "Supervision of Charities in New York," by Robert W. Hebberd; "World Currents in Charity, Theory and Practice," by Charles R. Henderson; and The Theory of Social Forces," by Prof. S. N. Patten.

All meetings of the academy are held in Philadelphia, and the active executive officers are largely connected with the University of Pennsylvania. Secretary, Carl Kelsey, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR LABOR LEGISLATION, THE: Formed 1906. Objects: (1) To serve as the American branch of the International Association for Labor Legislation (q. v.); (2) to promote the uniformity of labor legislation in the United States; (3) to encourage the study of labor legislation.

Dues: $1.00 annually; $3.00, including receipt of the monthly bulletin of the international association. President, Prof. R. T. Ely, University of Wisconsin. Secretary, A. F. Weber, New York

31

State Department of Labor, Albany, N. Y. Executive Committee, president, and secretary, exofficio: A. J. Boulton, H. W. Farnam, C. P. Neill, H. R. Seager, and C. R. Woodruff.

CIVIC

ASSOCIATION,

THE: AMERICAN Formed June 10, 1904, by the amalgamation of the American Park and Outdoor Art Association and the American League for Civic Improvement. Object: civic improvement. It represents cooperation on a national scale for the promotion of a more beautiful America in every city, village, and hamlet in the country. It serves as a clearinghouse for improvement work, bringing the local workers into helpful contact with one another and placing the experience of all at the command of Annual meeting, Octoeach. Members, 2,200. ber. Reports and pamphlets. Annual subscription, $3.00. President, J. Horace McFarland, Harrisburg, Pa.; secretary, Clinton Rogers Woodruff, 703 North American Building, Philadelphia, Pa.

THE:

AMERICAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION, Founded in 1885 "for the encouragement of and of perfect freedom economic research Persons of all It has no creed. of discussion." shades of economic opinion are found among its 1,000 members, and widely different views are given a hearing at its annual meetings and in its publications.

Every member receives all current reports and publications of the association. The publications, begun in 1886, contain nearly a hundred of the most important economic monographs that have been published by American students, besides a large number of papers and discussions by leading experts in practical and in academic life. A list of doctoral dissertations in progress in American universities is now annually prepared by the Publication Committee. Annual dues, $3.00. President, Prof. Jeremiah W. Jenks, of Secretary, Prof. W. M. Cornell University.

Daniels, Princeton, N. J.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR, THE: Organized (in its present form), 1886. Prior to the Civil War, and even till 1881, national tradeunions in the United States multiplied without any corresponding success in the formation of enduring alliances.

Labor federations, in so far as they existed, were local in character. Thus, the General Trades Union of the City of New York, active in the labor field as early as 1833, was a federation composed of twenty-one trade societies of that city. The General Trades Union of Boston was organized in A constitution adopted 1834 upon the same general lines. at the convention was later ratified by the sixteen local unions in the federation. Similar unions were formed in other cities, notably Baltimore and Philadelphia. The Industrial Congress of the United States, which met in New York, Oct. 12, 1845, represents a nearer approach to a national federation of labor. The convention was called together mainly through the efforts of the New England Workingmen's League and the National Reform Association of New York, elected officers, and adopted a declaration of principles. The second Industrial Congress, which met in New York, June 10, 1847, included representatives from the states of New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Illinois, and Kentucky.

Early History

American Federation

A National Federation

Struggle with Knights of Labor

For several years after 1881 the history of the general federation movement in the United States centers largely in the struggle between the Knights of Labor and the trade and labor unions, turning mainly on the question of the autonomy of each trade. Keen rivalry developed. The most prominent leaders of the two parties were Mr. Powderly, Grand Master Workman of the Knights of Labor, and Mr. George E. MCNEILL. That a feeling of antagonism was present from the beginning is suggested by a communication issued by the federation to the trade-unions. In this address "Open the federation declared: trade-unions, national and international, can and ought to work side by side with the Knights of Labor, and this would be the case were it not for men either overzealous or ambitious who busy themselves in attempting the destruction of existing The Cigarunions to serve their own whims." Makers' Journal referred to the federation move'a chaotic state pulled and ment of 1881-82 as in dragged in all directions. Some advise us," the article continues, "to adopt new systems of organizations defying practical experience and If the representatives of the bona-fide trade-unions, not of so-called labor clubs, are true to their mission, they will make a bold stand against all inferior systems of organization."

common sense.

The year 1886 marks an important period in Not only did the history of labor federation. the Knights of Labor in that year reach their greatest numerical strength, but at the same time the movement toward the national federation

of Labor

of trades gained new vigor in the transition of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions into the American Federation of Labor. The Federation of Trades and Labor Unions as then constituted did not satisfy the more energetic and ambitious among the labor leaders of the time, who were desirous of reaching some agreement with the Knights of Labor whereby the friction between that organization and the tradeunions should cease. In response to a call issued

by P. J. McGuire (general secretary of the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners), A. Strasser (president of the Cigar Makers' Union), P. J. Fitzpatrick (president of the Iron Molders' International Union), Josiah Deyer (secretary of the Granite Cutters' International Union), and W. H. Foster (secretary of the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions), a trade-unions' conference met in Philadelphia on May 17, 1886, and agreed upon certain proposals to be submitted to the special session of the General Assembly of the Knights of Labor soon to be held at Cleveland, O. Contrary to the wishes of the trade-unionists, no definite action on "the treaty" was taken at the meeting of the General Assembly, and a further effort to arrive at a permanent understanding with the Knights of Labor was made later in the year.

When the General Assembly of the Knights of Labor assembled at Richmond in October, 1886, the trade-union officials offered a further protest against the attitude of the Knights toward the unions, and asked for some assurance that the trade-unions thereafter would not be interfered with by the organizers of the order. The response of the General Assembly was to adopt a resolution compelling all employees in the cigar trade, who were members of both the Knights of Labor and the Cigar Makers' International Union, to withdraw from the union or leave the order, and adjourned without making further advances toward a peaceful settlement of the difficulties.

Throughout this controversy between the Knights and the trade-unions, the Federation of Trades had exerted its influence steadily in favor of the latter. Accordingly, when the representatives of various trade-unions arranged to meet in Columbus, O., the first week in December, 1886, the legislative committee of the federation decided to hold its annual convention at the same time and place for the purpose of cooperating with the conference of the trade-union officials.

The two conventions met on Dec. 7th and 8th, respectively, and the members of the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions attended the sessions of the trade-union conference in a body. On the third day of the conference, the committee of the whole reported to the federation that its committee had attended the conference and that all

Final Organization

the delegates had been admitted as members thereof. The legislative committee also reported that the trade-union conference had formed a new organization known as the American Federation of Labor, with a constitution designed to protect the interests of trade-unions. It was agreed that all moneys, papers, and effects of the old federation should be turned over to the officers of the new organization, and that all per capita tax due the old federation should be collected by the new federation. From this time the Knights of Labor steadily declined in membership and power while

32

the American Federation advanced with rapid strides. At the present time (1907) the Knights play an inconsiderable part in the labor movement, while the American Federation is steadily gaining in influence. The conventions of 1886, 1887, and 1888 were called respectively the first, second, and third convention of the American Federation; but by order of the convention of 1889 the origin of the federation in all official documents is dated from 1881.

The American Federation of Labor, upholding the principle of trade autonomy, favors the local trade-union composed of members following a single vocation, and attached to a national tradeunion. Where the local union is not affiliated with a national organization, it receives a charter directly from the American Federation and becomes known, for instance, as "Ship Carpenters' Union, No. 6,976." On the other hand, the organizers of the federation often find it necessary to form into one local union workers of miscellaneous crafts. Hence federal labor-unions exist in those localities where separate trade-unions are impracticable. As soon as a sufficient number of a craft is admitted, a new local tradeunion, recruited from the membership of the mixed union, is formed. This trade "local" in turn joins the national union of its craft wherever possible. According to the report for November 1906, there were 27,500 local unions and 759 local trade- and federal labor-unions directly affiliated with the national federation.

Local federations, commonly known as central laborunions, aim to embrace all local unions in a given area, and at the same time to maintain the strict autonomy of each trade or industry. Altho in general, representation, membership, etc., are left by the American Federation to local regulation, the national constitution provides that central body affiliated with the American Federation shall reject credentials presented by a duly elected or appointed delegation of a local union, chartered by a national or international union having affiliation with the American Federation."

no

Next in gradation to the local federation is the state federation of representatives from the various labor organizations in the state. State branches meet annually and seek to exercise functions analogous to those carried on by the national federation in its larger field of activity.

Form of Organization

As a fourth form of organization, the American Federation recognizes as its most important subdivision the national union of workmen engaged in a single calling. In May, 1904, there were 118 international unions having complete jurisdiction over their own trades, with a membership approximating 2,000,000 work-people affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. Structurally, the most important feature of the national federation is the representative convention which meets in annual session. The constitution provides: "The basis of representation in the convention shall be: From national and international unions, for less than 4,000 members, one delegate; 4,000 or more, two delegates; 8,000 or more, three delegates; 16,000 or more, four delegates; and so on. From central bodies, state federations, federal labor-unions, and local unions having no national or international union, one delegate."

In this scheme of representation, a compromise has been sought between equal representation and proportional representation. Proportional representation seemed to give an unfair advantage to the larger unions, and, on the other hand, equal representation placed undue power in the hands of the smaller unions. A system has therefore been adopted by which a part of the membership is represented according to a progressive ratio, and the other part-many of whom

are also represented through their respective national and international unions-by one delegate from each organization. Strict adherence to this progressive ratio avoids the chief defect of proportional representation; as applied by the American Federation, however, it succeeds in keeping the number of delegates within proper limits rather than in giving each union a measurable weight in legislation. The following law, adopted in 1887, neutralizes any restraint placed on the strong unions by progressive representation: Questions may be decided by division or a show of hands, but if a call of the roll is demanded by one tenth of the delegates present, each delegate shall cast one vote for every one hundred members, or major fraction thereof, he represents, but no city or state federation shall be allowed more than one vote. Thus the power is retained by the large unions with the additional consideration, it is claimed, of harmful centralization in the hands of the few. Where proportional representation prevails, it is difficult to unite the numerous delegates for common action. Under the American Federation's plan of progressive representation, the limited number of men who exercise a controlling voice based on the total membership of their respective unions, are in a position to form a combination at any time to rule the convention.

The

The chief administrative body of the American Federation is the Executive Council, composed of the national officers: a president, eight vicepresidents, a secretary, and a treasurer. Executive Council supervises the work and decides questions of policy between conventions. The most important single official is the president. He is elected by the annual convention and holds office for one year. Owing to the voluntary nature of the American Federation, its executive head has comparatively slight official power; but as the recognized leader of the American tradeunion movement, he exerts considerable influence over the activities of national and international unions. He receives a fixt annual salary of $3,000. The remaining officers are paid as follows: the secretary and the treasurer, an annual salary of $2,500 and $200 respectively; the vice-presidents, $4 per day and expenses when attending council meetings.

The receipts and expenditures of the American Federation from 1881 to 1905 were as follows:

Finances

1902 144.498 1903 247,802 196,015 1904 220,995 203.991 1905 207.417 196,170

Starting in 1881 with an annual tax of three cents per member of the affiliated unions, the "Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions" reduced this sum to one cent per member the following year. In 1883 provision was made that each national union should pay into the central treasury for 1,000 members or less, $10; 1,000 to 4,000, $20; 4,000 to 8,000, $25; 8,000 to 12,000, $30, etc. When the American Federation was formed in 1886, an annual tax of six cents per member was placed on national and local unions. The following year this tax was reduced to three cents a year for national and local organizations, with a tax of $25 a year on central labor-unions and state federations. After various changes from time to time, the present rate was fixt as follows: "From international or

of Labor

national trade-unions a per-capita tax of one half of one cent per member per month; from local trade-unions and federal labor-unions, ten cents per member per month, five cents of which must be set aside to be used only in case of strike or lockout; from local unions, the majority of whose members are less than eighteen years of age, two cents per member per month; from central and state bodies $10 per year, payable quarterly."

The objects of the American Federation, as stated in the Preamble and Article II. of the Constitution, are as follows:

WHEREAS, a struggle is going on in all the nations of the civilized world, between the oppressors and the opprest of all countries, a struggle between the capitalist and the laborer, which grows in intensity from year to year and will work disastrous results to the toiling millions if they are not combined for mutual protection and benefit;

It therefore behooves the representatives of the trade- and labor-unions of America, in convention assembled, to adopt such measures and disseminate such principles among the mechanics and laborers of our country as will permanently unite them to secure the recognition of the rights to which they are justly entitled.

We therefore declare ourselves in favor of the formation of a thorough federation, embracing every trade and labor organization in America, organized under the trade-union system.

ARTICLE II., Sec. 1. The objects of this federation shall be the encouragement and formation of local trade- and laborunions, and the closer federation of such societies through the organization of central trade- and labor-unions in every city, and the further combination of such bodies into state, territorial, or provincial organizations, to secure legislation in the interest of the working masses.

Sec. 2. The establishment of national and international trade-unions, based upon a strict recognition of the autonomy of each trade, and the promotion and advancement of such bodies.

Sec. 3. An American federation of all national and international trade-unions, to aid and assist each other; to aid and encourage the sale of union-label goods; and to secure national legislation in the interest of the working people, and influence public opinion, by peaceful and legal methods, in favor of organized labor.

Sec. 4. To aid and encourage the labor press of America.

Aside from the more general activities involved in the closer association of trades, certain typical activities are displayed by the American Federation in (a) the use of the union label, (b) boycotts and strikes, (c) the introduction of the eighthour day, and (d) politics and legislation.

(a) The American Federation has made no attempt to control the labels of its national and international unions, merely indorsing and advocating those already adopted by the different

Union Labels

trades. Local and federal unions directly attached to the American Federation, however, receive their labels from national headquarters. The federation calls upon all union men to demand goods bearing the union stamp, and urges the formation of active labor leagues to aid in educating the consuming public to the nature, appearance, and value of trade labels. In order to gain uniformity and more particularly to prevent counterfeiting, a universal label has from time to time been suggested. In 1900 the officials of the American Federation obtained a legal opinion to the effect that counterfeiting could be better punished if all unions would surrender their labels and adopt that of the Federation of Labor. Inasmuch as this would involve the surrender by each union of some part of the very trade autonomy for which the federation has always contended, and the recognition of the federation as one organization, at least for the purpose of "issuing, controlling, protecting, and defending the universal label," the step has not been taken. The secretary reported to the

of Labor

twenty-fifth convention (1905) that there were fifty-six labels and ten cards issued by national unions which had received the indorsement of the American Federation.

(b) The federation has paid considerable attention to the exercise of the boycott as a national function. The method usually employed is as follows: Local or national unions with grievances against certain firms send resolutions to the headquarters of the American Federation of Labor. The committee of the Federation whose duty it is to investigate the justice of the complaint, reports to the executive council, or to the annual convention if in session. In case the complaint is deemed just, a boycott is declared on the products of the firm or firms involved, and the names of the manufacturers published monthly in the "unfair list" of The American Federationist, the official journal of the American Federation of Labor. In addition to placing the firms on the "unfair list," circulars are sent to the unions in the federation, requesting all union men to cease purchasing the products of the boycotted firms. At the present time the national officials exercise considerable care in the use of the boycott, and concentrate attention upon a small number of firms.

Strike Policy

are

The American Federation of Labor has regarded the strike as the best means to gain tradeunion ends under a system of capitalistic production, and has advocated thorough organization along trade lines as the strongest protection to labor. Being merely an advisory center, and depending upon the voluntary loyalty of tradeunionists working through their respective nationals, the federation has been unable to act positively or directly with respect to strikes. It can recommend and urge certain policies, but it lacks the centralized control, and has in consequence followed a conservative course through the various conflicts between employer and employee. The secretary of the American Federation before the fifteenth annual convention, 1895, declared that sympathetic strikes were not opposed and assistance would be given wherever it was needed; nevertheless, he added, as there is a limit to the assistance exacted of one union in support of another union, the safest plan is to allow the individual organization itself to be the judge. This position, when strictly adhered to, limits the federation in its activity to a convenient center from which moral and financial aid may be distributed.

EightHour Movement

(c) In 1882 the platform of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions declared: "The National Eight-Hour Law is one intended to benefit labor and relieve it partly of its burdens. We therefore demand the enforcement of said law in the spirit of its designers." A resolution of the third session in 1883 stated that the federation 'considers the question of shortening the hours as paramount to all other questions at present"; and in the secretary's report to the convention of 1884, a plan to shorten the hours of labor was strongly urged. In consequence of this agitation it was suggested that the unions be canvassed as to the desirability of a universal strike not later than May 1, 1886, at which time all branches should simultaneously demand the eight-hour day. Realizing that the federation was weak in authority and numerical strength, the officials

asked the cooperation of the Knights of Labor. The latter organization failed to support the movement, and the plan did not reach serious proportions. The next attempt came in 1888, when a resolution passed the annual convention of the American Federation of Labor, fixing May 1, 1890, as the day for a general strike, and arranging for preparatory mass-meetings to be held in various cities and towns. Renewed efforts to form a temporary alliance with the Knights of Labor failed, but circulars and pamphlets were scattered widely, and prominent speakers were sent by the American Federation to different parts of the country to prepare tradeunion members for the proposed universal strike.

Warned by the complete failure of previous general strikes, the more advanced leaders agreed that the struggle could be carried on more successfully if certain trades were selected to make the fight, supported by the combined strength of the other unions working through the federation. Consequently a series of individual trade strikes was determined upon, in which one trade after the other would be selected to strike for shorter hours until all trades had obtained the eight-hour day. In the eight-hour strike of 1890, the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners was selected by the federation to make the fight. A special assessment was levied, and every effort made to win the strike, with the result that the carpenters and joiners established the eight-hour day in several large cities. Finally, at the twentyfourth annual convention, the American Federation indorsed the eight-hour movement of the International Typographical Union, and promised to levy the constitutional assessment on the membership if, at any time after Jan. 1, 1906, the Typographical Union needed further assistance.

(d) The American Federation thus far has successfully resisted all attempts to engage the organization in political activity. Freedom from political affiliation has not been maintained without a struggle on the part of the more con

Political Attitude

servative element in the federation. The first convention held in Pittsburg declared, "that we recommend all trades and labor organizations to secure proper representation in all lawmaking bodies by means of the ballot, and to use all honorable measures by which this result can be accomplished." At almost every convention of the American Federation, and invariably at meetings of local, state, and national unions, the same question has arisen in some form or other. Particularly have the political Socialists endeavored to commit the federation to political socialism, but thus far without success. So long as the pressure upon the federation to declare for independent action did not become annoying, a positive declaration of principles was withheld. But when the Socialist Labor Party as a member of the Central Labor Federation of New York City sought admission into the Federation of Labor, the application was rejected on the ground that no political party as a party has the right to be represented in the councils of tradeunions. With most immediate socialistic proposals, the federation, however, is in sympathy.

Among the important subjects before the convention of 1893 was the following "political program," which was referred to the affiliated unions to be voted upon during the year:

WHEREAS, the trade-unionists of Great Britain have, by the light of experience and the logic of progress, adopted the