principle of independent labor politics as an auxiliary to their economic action; and

WHEREAS, such action has resulted in the most gratifying success; and

WHEREAS, Such independent labor politics are based upon the following program, to wit:

1. Compulsory education.

2. Direct legislation.

3. A legal eight-hour work-day.

4. Sanitary inspection of workshop, mine, and home.

5. Liability of employers for injury to health, body, or life. 6. The abolition of the contract system in all public work. 7. The abolition of the sweating system.

8. The municipal ownership of street-cars, and gas and electric plants for public distribution of light, heat, and power. 9. The nationalization of telegraphs, telephones, railroads, and mines.

10. The collective ownership by the people of all means of luction and distribution.

11. The principle of the referendum in all legislation. Therefore, RESOLVED, that this convention hereby indorses this political action of our British comrades; and

RESOLVED, that this program and basis of a political labor movement be, and is hereby, submitted for the consideration of the labor organizations of America, with the request that their delegates to the next annual convention of the American Federation of Labor be instructed on this most important subject.

After a

At the fourteenth convention, 1894, the first nine planks of this political platform were adopted with little discussion and with substantially no change. Plank 11 was incorporated with plank 2, making that plank read: "Direct legislation through the initiative and referendum." Plank 3 was made to read "a legal work-day of not more than eight hours." In plank 8 the words "water-works" were substituted after the words "street-cars." The great discussion came on plank 10. long debate it was defeated, and three resolutions substituted for it, as follows: (1) The abolition of the monopoly system of landholding, and the substitution therefor of a title of occupancy and use only (carried by a vote of 1,217 to 913). (2) The repeal of all conspiracy and penal laws affecting seamen and other workmen, incorporated in the federal and state laws of the United States. (3) The abolition of the monopoly privilege of issuing money, and substituting therefor a system. of direct issuance to and by the people. Subsequent efforts on the part of radical trade organizations became so persistent that the New York convention of 1895 declared: "Party politics, whether they be Democratic, Republican, Socialistic, Populistic, Prohibition, or any other, shall have no place in the conventions of the American Federation of Labor." Succeeding attempts to commit the organization to a definite political program have been defeated, so that at the present time the American Federation stands independent of party affiliation.

As the American Federation wields little authority over the national unions, and has no way to secure unity of sentiment on any political issue, the probable result of independent political action would be internal strife with danger of complete disruption. Accordingly, the federation has chosen to advocate labor legislation and to take an active part in any move leading to the betterment of labor conditions rather than to participate as an organization in national and state elections. Each convention directs attention to special reforms, whereupon the executive council frames a bill embodying the necessary provisions, and champions its course. The legislative committee maintained at Washington is especially helpful in promoting this work. Among the chief reforms so advocated in recent years have been: The national eight-hour law, Chinese exclusion, the initiative and referendum, trust legislation, anti-injunction laws, and the

of Labor

abolition of convict and imported contract labor. In addition to these efforts, the federation has sought to prevent legislation considered harmful to the working classes in general, such as antiscalping laws, compulsory arbitration, and compulsory union incorporation.

Thus in the general activities of the American Federation are reflected something of that prudence and moderation which characterize the present industrial life of the East. It has advocated the individual trade strike in preference to the general or sympathetic strike; it has repeatedly placed itself on record as opposed to political action; it has advanced the principle of organization according to trades; and lastly, by guaranteeing to each national or international union complete jurisdiction over its own trade, has gained to a large extent the good-will of the individual members. So long as efficient leadership maintains this traditional conservatism there is every reason to predict that the American Federation will remain an important factor in the American labor movement. Much credit for this must be given to its president, Mr. Samuel GOMPERS, one of its founders, elected its first president, and so continuing with the exception of one year (1895) down to the present time.

The organization in October, 1906, had an enrolment of 119 international unions consisting of approximately 27,500 local unions, 36 state federations, 538 central labor-unions, and 759 local trade- and federal labor-unions. It is claimed that the unions represent a membership of over 2,000,000.

Some 250 monthly or weekly periodicals are published by the unions, but The Federationist, edited by Mr. Gompers and published monthly, is the official organ.

The officers of the federation are: President, Samuel Gompers, Washington, D. C.; secretary, Frank Morrison, Washington, D. C.; treasurer, John B. Lennon, Bloomington, Ill.; first vicepresident, James Duncan, Boston, Mass.; second, John Mitchell, Indianapolis, Ind.; third, James O'Connell, Washington, D. C.; fourth, Max Morris, Denver, Col.; fifth, Denis A. Hayes, Philadelphia, Pa.; sixth, Daniel J. Keefe, Detroit, Mich.; seventh, William D. Huber, Indianapolis, Ind.; eighth, Joseph F. Valentine, Cincinnati, O. The headquarters of the organization are at 423 G Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.

WILLIAM J. KIRK.

REFERENCES: Annual Reports of the Federation Conventions; Files of The Federationist; Pamphlets published by the Federation, particularly, What Does Labor Want? Samuel Gompers. The Philosophy of the Labor Movement, George E. McNeill; The Safety of the Future Lies in Organized Labor, Henry D. Lloyd; Why We Unite: Philosophy of Trade Unions, Dyer D. Lum; Has the Non-Unionist a Moral Right to Work, How, When and Where He Pleases? Frank K. Foster; History of Trade Unions, William Trant; The Philosophy of the Eight-Hour Movement, Lemuel Danryed; The Eight-Hour Day, Samuel Gompers; No Compulsory Arbitration, Samuel Gompers; Organized Labor, Its Struggles, Its Enemies and Fool Friends, Samuel Gompers; Condition of Women Workers, Ida M. Van Etten (all these can be obtained from the Federation headquarters); Labor Problems, Adams, Th. S., and Sumner, Helen S. (1905); Studies in American Trade-Unionism (Jacob H. Hollander, ed.), chap. xii.; The Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor, Wm. Keep (1906); Organized SelfHelp, H. N. Casson (1901); The Labor Movement, George E. McNeill (1886).

The growth of the central organization of the principal national trade-unions since 1896 is set forth in the following table compiled from the secretary's report to the convention of 1904:

American Peace

In 1906 the executive council of the federation, moved somewhat by the political successes of the English Labor Party (see GREAT BRITAIN), determined, not indeed to change the non-partizan policy of the federation, but to urge upon all unions and members affiliated with it to make a strenuous political effort, irrespective of party, to defeat candidates for Congress and others who were opposed to the views of labor, and to elect those friendly thereto. A committee of the federation reported a list of those candidates for Congress who should be supported, as well as a list of those who were to be defeated, and Mr. Gompers and others undertook a strenuous campaign against the latter. The council embodied its demands in the following Bill of Grievances:

HONORABLE THEODORE ROOSEVELT, President of the United States;

HONORABLE WILLIAM P. FRYE, President pro tempore, United States Senate;

HONORABLE JOSEPH G. CANNON, Speaker, House of Representatives, United States.

GENTLEMEN: The undersigned Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, and those accompanying us in the presentation of this document, submit to you the subject-matter of the grievances which the workmen of our country feel by reason of the indifferent position which the

Bill of Grievances

Congress of the United States has manifested toward the just, reasonable, and necessary measures which have been before it these past several years, and which particularly affect the interests of the working people, as well as by reason of the administrative acts of the executive branches of the government and the legislation of the Congress relating to these interests. For convenience the matters of which we complain are briefly stated, and are as follows:

Eight-Hour Law.-The law commonly known as the EightHour Law has been found ineffective and insufficient to accomplish the purpose of its designers and framers. Labor has, since 1894, urged the passage of a law so as to remedy the defects, and for its extension to all work done for or on behalf of the government. Our efforts have been in vain. Without hearing of any kind granted to those who are the advocates of the Eight-Hour Law and principle, Congress passed, and the president signed, an appropriation bill containing a rider nullifying the Eight-Hour Law and principle in its application to the greatest public work ever undertaken by our government, the construction of the Panama Canal.

The Eight-Hour Law in terms provides that those intrusted with the supervision of government work shall neither require nor permit any violations thereof. The law has been grievously and frequently violated. The violations have been reported to the heads of several departments, who have refused to take the necessary step for its enforcement.

Convict Labor-While recognizing the necessity for the employment of inmates of our penal institutions, so that they may be self-supporting, labor has urged in vain the enactment of a law that shall safeguard it from the competition of the labor of convicts.

Immigration. In the interest of all of our people, and in consonance with their almost general demand, we have urged Congress for some tangible relief from the constantly growing evil of induced and undesirable immigration, but without result.

Chinese Exclusion.-Recognizing the danger of Chinese immigration, and responsive to the demands of the people, Congress years ago enacted an effective Chinese exclusion law; yet, despite the experience of the people of our own country, as well as those of other countries, the present law is fla

grantly violated, and now, by act of Congress, it is seriously proposed to invalidate that law and reverse the policy.

Seamen's Rights.-The partial relief secured by the laws of 1895 and 1898, providing that seamen shall not be compelled to endure involuntary servitude, has been seriously threatened at each succeeding Congress. The petitions to secure for the seamen equal right with all others have been denied, and a disposition shown to extend to other workmen the system of compulsory labor.

Ship Subsidy.-Under the guise of a bill to subsidize the shipping industry, a provision is incorporated, and has already passed the Senate, providing for a form of conscription, which would make compulsory naval service a condition precedent to employment on privately owned vessels.

Having in mind the terrible and unnecessary loss of life attending the burning of the Slocum in the harbor of New York, the wreck of the Rio de Janeiro at the entrance to the Bay of San Francisco, and other disasters on the waters too numerous to mention-in nearly every case the great loss of life was due to the undermanning and the unskilled manning of such vessels-we presented to Congress measures that would, if enacted, so far as human law could do, make impossible the awful loss of life. We have sought this remedy more in the interests of the traveling public than in that of the seamen, but in vain.

Having in mind the constantly increasing evil growing out of the parsimony of corporations, of towing several undermanned and unequipped vessels, called barges, on the high seas, where, in case of storm or stress, they are cut loose to drift or sink, and their crews to perish, we have urged the passage of a law that shall forbid the towing of more than one such vessel unless they shall have an equipment and a crew sufficient to manage them when cut loose and set adrift; but in vain.

Trusts and Interstate Commerce.-The antitrust and interstate commerce laws enacted to protect the people against monopoly in the products of labor, and against discrimination in the transportation thereof, have been perverted, so far as the laborers are concerned, so as to invade and violate their personal liberty as guaranteed by the Constitution. Our repeated efforts to obtain redress from Congress have been in vain.

Anti-Injunction Bill.-The beneficent writ of injunction, intended to protect property rights, has, as used in labor disputes, been perverted so as to attack and destroy personal freedom, and in a manner to hold that the employer has some property rights in the labor of the workmen. Instead of obtaining the relief which labor has sought, it is seriously threatened with statutory authority for existing judicial usurpation.

Committee on Labor.-The Committee on Labor of the House of Representatives was instituted at the demand of labor to voice its sentiments, to advocate its rights, and to protect its interests. In the past two Congresses this committee has been so organized as to make ineffectual any attempt labor has made for redress. This being the fact in the last Congress, labor requested the speaker to appoint on the Committee on Labor members who, from their experience, knowledge, and sympathy, would render in this Congress such service as the committee was originally designed to perform. Not only was labor's request ignored, but the hostile make-up of the committee was accentuated.

Right of Petition Denied Government Employees. - Recently the president issued an order forbidding any and all government employees, upon the pain of instant dismissal from the government service, to petition Congress for any redress of grievances or for any improvement in their condition. Thus the constitutional right of citizens to petition must be surrendered by the government employee in order that he may obtain or retain his employment.

Redress for Grievances.-We present these grievances to your attention because we have long, patiently, and in vain waited for redress. There is not any matter of which we have complained but for which we have, in an honorable and lawful manner, submitted remedies. The remedies for these grievances proposed by labor are in line with fundamental

law, and with the progress and development made necessary by changed industrial conditions.

Labor brings these, its grievances, to your attention because you are the representatives responsible for legislation and for failure of legislation. The toilers come to you as, your fellow-citizens, who, by reason of their position in life have not only with all other citizens an equal interest in our country, but the further interest of being the burden bearers, the wage-earners of America. As labor's representatives we ask you to redress these grievances, for it is in your power so to do.

Labor now appeals to you, and we trust that it may not be in vain. But if, perchance, you may not heed us, we shall appeal to the conscience and the support of our fellow

citizens.

(Signed) Executive Council, American Federation of Labor.

AMERICAN FORESTRY ASSOCIATION, THE: Organized 1882; incorporated 1897. Objects: (1) The promotion of a business-like and conservative use and treatment of the forest resources of this country. (2) The advancement of legislation tending to this end both by the states and the Congress of the United States, the inauguration of forest administration by the Federal Government and by the states, and the extension of sound forestry by all proper methods. (3) The diffusion of knowledge regarding the conservation, management, and renewal of forests, the proper utilization of their products, methods of reforestation of waste lands, and the planting of trees.

The association enrols all who realize the importance of the preservation of forests, and in particular appeals to owners of woodlands, to lumbermen and foresters, as well as to engineers, professional and business men who have to do with wood and its manifold uses, and to persons concerned in the conservation of water supplies for irrigation and other purposes. The dues are $2 per year. The association has more than 5,000 members, residents of every state in the Union, Canada, and foreign countries. It has its own organ, Forestry and Irrigation, which is sent free to all members each month. President, Hon. James Wilson, United States Secretary of Agriculture. Secretary, Prof. Thos. E. Will, 1311 G Street, Washington, D. C.

AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL SERVICE, THE: Organized in New York City in 1902, as the outgrowth of the League for Social Service, which was founded in 1898 by Drs. Josiah STRONG and TOLMAN. Objects: (1) To gather from all possible sources facts of every kind which bear on social and industrial betterment. (2) To interpret these facts by ascertaining their causes and effects, thus gaining their real significance; and (3) To disseminate the resulting knowledge for the education of public opinion, which is the generic social reform.

The membership is limited to forty, but the constitution provides that men and women distinguished for public service or deeply interested in industrial and social betterment may be elected associates. Distinguished students of social subjects are elected collaborators.

The institute has a large number of foreign collaborators, and has been influential in starting similar institutes in Great Britain, Sweden, and elsewhere; while it is in active communication with societies of a similar nature in other countries. In this way a considerable international exchange of information has resulted, and has been published in Social Progress, edited by Dr. Strong and others. The institute has made noteworthy sociological exhibits at the expositions of Paris (1900), St. Louis (1904), Liège (1905), and Milan (1906); and it arranged for

American Peace

an Exposition of Safety Devices in New York (December, 1906.) Out of this has grown a movement for a permanent museum of Safety Devices in New York City, to which the Institute is now giving its main efforts, and for which quarters are opened at 231-241 West Thirty-ninth Street. See MUSEUMS OF SECURITY. The institute makes special investigations, at cost only, for students and others desiring such services; and it disseminates the information it collects to its members in all countries. Annual dues: Members, $2; Societies, $5. President, Josiah Strong. Director, Wm. H. Tolman, 231-241 West Thirtyninth Street, New York City.

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, THE: The oldest and strongest of the associations in this country devoted exclusively to the promotion of international peace; organized in New York in 1828. Through the influence of William Ladd, the American "Apostle of Peace," the various state and local peace societies, which had been at work since 1815, were induced to unite and thus establish a national organization.

The society moved to Hartford, Conn., in 1835, and then to Boston in 1827, where its headquarters have been ever since. As early as the "thirties" the society advocated the general adoption of arbitration, and the establishment of a permanent congress and court of nations. The monthly journal of the society, The Advocate of Peace, first published at Hartford by William Watson, for the Connecticut Peace Society, has appeared since 1834. The society, before taking over this paper, had previously published The Harbinger of Peace and The Calumet.

The purpose of the society was from the first declared to be to 'diffuse light respecting the evils of war and the best means of effecting its abolition." This twofold aim has been its object ever since. It has been among the foremost of the agencies advocating a permanent system of arbitration for the settlement of all international controversies. In 1840 the Society published, in a book of 700 pages, "Prize Essays on a Congress of Nations." It has since published and distributed many millions of pages of books and pamphlets, on all phases of the subjects of peace and war. Through its agency many valuable contributions have been made to the literature of international peace, including Sumner's oration on the War System of the Commonwealth of Nations," Emerson's Essay on War," Channing's "Lecture on War," Judge Jay's "Review of the Mexican War," etc.

The society was the first to take up, at the suggestion of Joseph Sturge of England, in 1841, the idea of holding international peace congresses. The result was the first great congress held in Exeter Hall, London, in 1843, organized by the London Peace Society. Out of this first congress grew the remarkable series of congresses from 1848 to 1851, in which the American Peace Society had large delegations. In 1873, through the efforts of Dr. James B. Miles, then secretary of the society, the International Law Association was organized, and held its first meeting in Brussels the following year. Twenty-three conferences of this association have been held, the last of which was at Berlin in October, 1906. This association has done much for the promotion of arbitration, the improvement of international law, and better relations in general between the nations.

Beginning in 1837 with a petition to the Legislature of Massachusetts, the society has been active with both the state and national governments with a view to practical legislative action toward permanent international arbitration and peace. It was the first to suggest, in the "eighties," the holding of a Pan-American conference, for the purpose of promoting greater friendship and better trade relations between the American states.

The American Peace Society has been represented in nearly all of the international peace congresses held since 1889, as well as in the national arbitration conferences held at Washington; and many of its members have been prominent in the work of the Mohonk Arbitration Conference, organized in 1895 by Mr. Albert K. Smiley.

In the spring of 1903 a resolution, prepared by the secretary of the society, and supported by a considerable number of individuals outside, was unanimously voted by the Massachusetts Legislature, urging the Congress and Government

of the United States to take steps toward the establishment of a periodic congress of nations. This proposal has met with unexpectedly strong and wide approval, has been made a leading feature of the program of the INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, and will probably be one of the foremost subjects of discussion at the second Hague conference.

The society is stronger, more active, and more influential to-day than ever before in its history. It has a growing membership in all parts of the United States. By means of committees it is promoting interest in the peace movement among business men, among workingmen, among ministers and churches, etc. President, Hon. Robert Treat Paine. Secretary, Benjamin F. Trueblood, 31 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.

AMERICAN PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION LEAGUE, THE: Organized (1893) to promote the reform of legislative assemblies, by abandoning the present system of electing single representatives on a majority or plurality vote in limited territorial districts, and by substituting the following provisions:

(1) That all representatives be elected "at large," on a general ticket either without district divisions or in districts as large as practicable.

(2) That the election be in such form that the several parties or political groups shall secure representation in proportion to the respective number of votes cast by each. President, William Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Ind. Secretary, Robert Tyson, 10 Harbord Street, Toronto, Can.

AMERICAN PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION, THE: A secret association, commonly called the A. P. A. It was organized in 1887 against the asserted attack of Roman Catholicism upon the American public school and other American institutions. In 1890 or thereabouts it became very active, published an outspoken organ in Boston, Mass., and created widespread agitation and excitement. The association was organized by H. F. Bower, and rapidly grew in strength, claiming in 1895 a membership of 2,000,000, and extending into Canada, Great Britain, and Australia. Its influence, however, soon disappeared, and has now practically passed away.

The reasons given for the existence of the order were stated by one of its members to be as follows:

(1) The Roman Catholic attack on our public-school system. (2) The attempted foreignizing, by force, of whole communities, in language and religion, by Romish priests. (3) The complete control of our great cities by Romanism. (4) The fact that our army and navy are almost wholly Romanized. (5) The remarkable increase of untaxed church property. (6) The frequent desecration of the American flag by priests. (7) The Jesuit control of the heads of the government at Washington. (8) The well-known public declaration of the Pope that the United States is his one bright hope for the future.

As a proof of the need of the order, the Rev. James B. Dunn, secretary of the Committee of

One Hundred, of Boston, in a tract published by the_committee, quotes from the papal encyclical of Jan. 10, 1890, where the Pope states that Roman Catholics are:

Even in politics, always to serve first the interests of Catholicism, and to submit themselves in obedience to the will of the pontiff as to God himself, and that the civil laws are binding on them only so long as they are conformable to the Roman Catholic religion. In that same encyclical the Pope says it is a duty to resist all civil laws hostile to anything ordered by the Church, and a crime to obey them. These being the facts, is it not quite certain that whatever his private or personal opinion and feelings may be as an American citizen, every good Roman Catholic must support the Church as against the State? ..

Papal Encyclicals

That cases happen in which the State demands one thing from the citizen, and religion the opposite from Christians, and this undoubtedly for no other reason than that the heads of the State pay no regard to the sacred power of the Church, or desire to make it subject to them. No one, however, can doubt which is to receive their preference. It is an impious deed to break the laws of Jesus Christ for the purpose of obeying the magistrates, or to transgress the laws of the church under the pretext of observing the civil law.

If the laws of the State are in open contradiction with the divine law, if they command anything prejudicial to the Church, or are hostile to the duties imposed by religion, or violate in the person of the supreme pontiff the authority of Jesus Christ, then indeed it is a duty to resist them and a crime to obey them-a crime fraught with injury to the State itself.

Furthermore, in politics, which are inseparably bound up with the laws of morality and religious duties, men ought always and in the first place to serve, as far as possible, the interests of Catholicism. As soon as they are seen to be in danger, all differences should cease between Catholics. Since the fate of states depends principally on the disposition of those who are at the head of the government, the Church cannot grant its patronage or favor to men whom it knows to be hostile to it, who openly refuse to respect its rights, who seek to break the alliance established by the nature of things between religious interests and the interests of the civil order. On the contrary, its duty is to favor those who, having sound ideas as to the relations between Church and State, wish to make them both harmonize for the common good. These principles contain the rule according to which every Catholic ought to model his public life.

Dr. Dunn also quotes one of Cardinal Manning's sermons, representing the Pope as saying:

I acknowledge no civil superior; I am the subject of no prince; and I claim more than this. I claim to be the supreme judge on earth, and director of the consciences of men; of the peasant that tills the field, and the prince that sits on the throne; of the household that lives in the shade of privacy, and the legislature that makes laws for kingdoms. I am the sole last supreme judge on earth of what is right and wrong.

Of these and other similar quotations Dr. Dunn says:

In view of such declarations and teachings, we ask, Can a good Romanist be at the same time a loyal American citizen? Many Romanists, no doubt, mean to be loyal citizens of the republic, and honestly think they are; yea, we are quite willing to believe that the great body of them have no wish to interfere with the liberties and institutions of America, and that if called upon to choose between serving our government and the power at Rome, think they would abjure Rome. But it must be remembered that they belong to a system in which free agency is impossible. As we have seen, the Vatican claims absolute and supreme authority in all things, civil as well as spiritual, and every member of that Church is bound to render to the pontiff absolute and unquestioning obedience. Can any person who is loyal to Romanism be true to republicanism? Can a Romanist be a good citizen of America?...

(For an answer from the Roman Catholic standpoint to the statements of the A. P. A., see ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM.) But Romanists are by no means the only ones who criticize and oppose the attitude of the A. P. A. H. K. Carroll wrote in The Methodist Review, 1895, a plea for Protestants to conquer their prejudices and to be reasonable in the matter. Concerning the assertion

Arguments against the A. P. A.

that Roman Catholics cannot be good citizens, Dr. Carroll says:

Are Catholics disloyal? I do not remember ever to have seen the affirmative of this question supported by the citation of any act. It is commonly argued from the doctrine of papal supremacy. Ca holics, it is urged, know no higher law than obedience. The people obey the priests implicitly, the priests are in complete subjection to the bishops, and the bishops are bound to do whatever the Pope tells them. This Pope is a foreign potentate who assumes to be superior to kings and governments; and he would, if he could, subordinate the State to the Church. In answer let me ask, Is it not obvious that he could not if he would? Where is there a state over which he exercises even a shadow of sovereignty?"

Concerning the relation of the Roman Catholic Church to our public schools, Dr. Carroll says:

Does the Church of Rome desire to destroy our publicschool system? "Destroy" is a strong word. I doubt whether it is right to apply it even to the most hostile opinion that prevails among the hierarchy. The most any Catholic has asked for is exemption from payment of the public-school tax or division of the school funds. In neither case would the system be destroyed. If the first alternative were adopted it would impair the integrity of the system and limit it. It would not be for all the people as it is now, but only for the larger part of them. If the second proposal were accepted we should have in this country the conditions that prevail in England and elsewhere. We should have both the secular and religious elements represented in our public schools. The system would be greatly changed and impaired, but it would not be destroyed. It would not be fair, I think, to say that the hierarchy would destroy our public school; but it is fair to say that they are not satisfied with it as it is.

REFERENCES: North American, clix., 67; clxvii., 658; American Journal of Politics, v., 504.

AMERICAN PURITY ALLIANCE, THE: Incorporated under this name in 1895, as the continuation of the New York Committee for the Prevention of State Regulation of Vice, which commenced its work in 1876 and has held thirty annual meetings.

Objects: The repression of vice, the prevention of its regulation by the State, the better protection of the young, the rescue of the fallen, the extension of the White Cross among men, and to maintain the law of purity as equally binding upon men and women.

The chief present work of the alliance consists in organizing methods for the instruction of the young in schools and colleges, for the information of teachers, parents, and physicians in sexual hygiene; the distribution of purity literature, of which a supply of thirty-four pamphlets is kept on hand at its headquarters; and the publication of The Philanthropist. It is the American branch of the International Federation for the Suppression of State Regulation of Vice, and is actively interested in the suppression of the "White Slave" traffic. It is constantly at work to prevent attempts at state or city regulation of prostitution. Annual dues, $1. President, O. Edward Janney, M.D., Baltimore, Md. Secretary, Percy Russell, 93 Crooke Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Office, 400 West Twenty-third Street, New York City.

AMERICAN RAILWAY UNION, THE: A union organized in Chicago in 1893 under the leadership of Eugene V. Debs. It played a large part in the PULLMAN STRIKE, and virtually ceased to exist after the failure of that strike. The report of the Commission on the Pullman Strike said of this union:

The theory underlying this movement is that the organization of different classes of railroad employees (to the number of about 140,000) upon the trade-union idea has ceased to be useful or adequate; that pride of organization, petty jealousies, and the conflict of views into which men are trained in separate organizations under different leaders, tend to defeat the

American Social

common object of all, and enable railroads to use such organizations against each other in contentions over wages, etc.; that the rapid concentration of railroad capital and management demands a like union of their employees for the purpose of mutual protection; that the interests of each of the 850,000 or more railroad employees of the United States, as to wages, treatment, hours of labor, legislation, insurance, mutual aid, etc., are common to all, and hence all ought to belong to one organization that shall assert its united strength in the protection of the rights of every member.

AMERICAN SECULAR UNION AND FREETHOUGHT FEDERATION, THE: Organized 1876. Object: "To propagate the nine demands of liberalism as specified in our constitution. To effect a total separation of Church and State, not only in name as it now is, but as an actual fact. Taxation of church property, the elimination of all religious teaching in the public schools, and the abolition of all those clearly unconstitutional measures which are wrongly called Sunday laws." Annual report, $1. Secretary, E. C. Reichwald, 141 South Water Street, Chicago.

NINE DEMANDS OF LIBERALISM

(1) We demand that churches and other ecclesiastical property shall be no longer exempt from taxation.

(2) We demand that the employment of chaplains in Congress, in the legislatures, in the navy and militia, and in prisons, asylums, and all other institutions supported by the public money, shall be discontinued.

(3) We demand that all public appropriations for educational and charitable institutions of a sectarian character shall

cease.

(4) We demand that all religious services now sustained by the government shall be abolished; and especially that the use of the Bible in the public schools, whether ostensibly as a textbook or avowedly as a book of religious worship, shall be prohibited.

(5) We demand that the appointment, by the President of the United States or by the governors of the various states, of all the religious festivals and feasts shall wholly cease.

(6) We demand that the judicial oath in the courts and in all other departments of the government shall be abolished, and that simple affirmation under the pains and penalties of perjury shall be established in its stead.

(7) We demand that all laws directly or indirectly enforcing the observance of Sunday as the Sabbath shall be repealed.

(8) We demand that all laws looking to the enforcement of Christian morality shall be abrogated, and that all laws shall be conformed to the requirements of natural morality, equal rights, and impartial liberty.

(9) We demand that not only in the Constitution of the United States and of the several states, but also in the practical administration of the same, no privilege or advantage shall be conceded to Christianity or any other special religion; that our entire political system shall be founded and administered on a purely secular basis; and whatever changes shall prove necessary to this end shall be consistently, unflinchingly, and promptly made.

AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION, THE: Founded 1865 in Boston, Mass., at a meeting called by Drs. S. G. Howe, Nathan Allen, R. T. Davis, and F. B. Sanborn, and presided over by Gov. John A. Andrew. Its first president was Prof. W. B. Rogers, founder of the Boston Institute of Technology; and its first secretaries Dr. Samuel Eliot and F. B. Sanborn. Ensuing presidents have been Dr. Samuel Eliot, George William Curtis, Prof. B. Peirce, President Gilman of Baltimore, President A. D. White of Cornell, Gen. John Eaton, Carroll D. Wright, Prof. Francis Wayland, F. J. Kingsbury, Oscar S. Straus, and other eminent scholars and publicists. It conducts its work under the five departments of Education, Finance, Health, Jurisprudence, and Social Economy. Heads of these departments have been David A. Wells, Dr. Francis Lieber, George S. Boutwell, President Woolsey, Charles L. Brace, Robert Treat Paine, John Graham Brooks, Edward Atkinson, Dr. Walter Channing, Dr. Stephen Smith, Judge S. E. Baldwin, Rev. H. L. Wayland, Robert C. Winthrop, Judge