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labor); "Remarkable Pages from Thomas Lake
Harris: Seer and Social Worker" (2 vols.).
Address: Westerleigh, West New Brighton, New
York.

MARRIAGES (for the history, the social and ethical problems involved, and a general discussion of the marriage question, see articles FAMILY and DIVORCE): We give here statistics as to marriages.

THE United States

Marriages

In the United States, according to the census of 1870, the proportion of the married to the total population was 37.8; in 1880 it was 37.7; in 1890, 35.7; in 1900, 36.5; but of the last figure the census says "the losses in proportion of the unmarried among the total population are due to a decrease in the proportion of children." Few states publish the statistics of marriages,

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1856-60.

16.2

15.7 17.0 16.7 13.8

1861-65.

16.5

1866-70.

18.2

1871-75.

1876-80.

1881-85.

1886-90.

1891-95.
1896-1900.
1901..
1902.
1903.

1904.

14.6 14.6 16.8 14.0 14.9 15.2 16.4 13.8 11.4 17.2 14.0 16.2 12.8 19.8 12.0 18.2 21.6 15.1 15.8 17.1 14.9 9.8 18.9 15.6 16.6 14.6 19.6 14.0 16.0 15.6 19.4 13.8 15.6 15.3 13.8 9.1 15.7 15.115.6 14.5 17.7 13.2 14.8 15.8 21.5 13.7 15.4 15.1 13.8 8.7 15.4 15.0 14.2 13.4 18.2 12.8 13.8. 15.4 17.8 14.2 14.0 14.7 13.0 8.6 15.8 15.4 14.0 13.2 17.4 12.2 14.1 16.0 18.0 15.213.8 15.1 13.6 9.5 15.9 14.8 14.5 12.9 17.9 11.5 14.5 16.0 17.0 16.6 15.0 16.1 14.6 9.9 16.8 14.3 14.9 13.8 12.1 15.6 16.4 17.6 16.6 14.4 15.9 14.0 10. I 16.5 14.5 15.4 13.218.4 12.1 15.2 17.4 15.5 17.2 16.3 14.3 15.9 14.1 10.3 15.8 14.5 15. 112.8 11.9 15.0 16.8 15.4 16.2 15.8 14.2 15.2 14.0 16.4 15.0 15.8 14.4 14.8 12.0 14.8 11.8

14.4

15.2 16.0

1904. Australia, 14.2; New Zealand, 16.2.

1 Russia in Europe, 1894.

11.6 15.0

14.8

17.4

17.8

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Total males.

38,816,448 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

23,492,923 40.2 98.8 77.6 45.8 27.6
13.956,314 54.5 1.0 21.6 52.5 69.8 78.8 82.2
0.4 1.2 2.0 3.6 6.8
O. I 0.2 0.4 0.5 0.6
0.3

100.0

37.178,127 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

16.9 10.3 7.6 5.7 28.6

79.7 67.1 28.5 11.9 26.4

3.5

20,491,042 31.2 88.7 51.6 27.5 16.6 13,813,787 56.9 10.9 46.5 68.9 78.0 2,717,839 11.2

100.0 100.0
II. I

100.0

0.2

1.4 2.9

4.6

0.3 0.2

0.2

O. I

0.6 0.5 0.2 0.3

0.3 39.I

114,677 0.5

O. I

0.4

0.6

0.7

0.7

0.6

40,782 0.2

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100.0
7.8 6.6 6.0
79.5 73.9 60.5 34.2
8.6 17.6 32.3 59.3
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34,201,735
20.565.745 40.2 99.0 79.5 47.3 28.1 17.0
12,456,349 54.6 0.9 19.8 51.3 69.6 79.1 82.5 80.0 66.9
1,020,406 4.5 (1)
0.3 1.0 1.8
3-3 6.4 11.6 26.5
72,766 0.3 (1)
0.2 0.3 0.4 0.6 0.6 0.5
86,469 0.4 O.I
0.2 0.2 O.I 0.3
4.386,547
2,786,580 39.2 97.9 64.3 32.9 21.0 13.2
7.2 5.3 4.6
1,423.039 54.0 1.7 33.8 63.3 73.7 79.1 81.4 78.6 69.6
151,245 5.8
I. I 2.8 4.3 6.7
10.5 15.3 25.0
11,028 0.4
(14)
0.5 0.6 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.4
14.655 0.6 0.3 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.4

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6.0 4.7 4.1
2,855,654 64.2 10.9 45.8 72.5 83.1 83.8 74.6 61.0 35.9
40.8 27
7.4 18.9 34.7 59.5! 24.6 28
0.3 0.4 0.4 0.2
O. I O.I 0.3

8.4

23.2

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0.3 29

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6.7 5.1 26.4
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2.1 3.6
2.5
O. I 0.3 0.4 0.6
0.3
0.3 0.2
50.2

587,910 4.5 (1) 0.4 1.2

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parents foreign born...

7,836,603

7,809,414

37

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10.5 7.6 43.2 1,906,489 42.7 0.3 12.9 42.0 62.2 74.5 79.0 76.7 65.4 36.1 106,057 2.4 0.2 0.7 1.7 3.2 6.3 11.9 26.1 3.1 (1)

14.0

5.7 (1)

0.3 O. I

0.4 0.6 O. I O. I

0.8 0.7 O. I 0.2

0.4 17.2

0.4

(1)

0.2

5.318,434 44.4 94.9 64.8 37.7 23.6 16.0 10.7
2,213,191 49.4 5.0 34.3 60.0 72.1 75.4 71.5
256,960
17. I
16,641

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4.188

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Marx

TOGETHER

Single

Married

Widowed

Divorced

Single

Married

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Divorced

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MARSHALL, ALFRED: Professor of political economy; born in London, 1842; educated there and at St. John's College, Cambridge. He was elected fellow of his college in 1865, lecturer on moral science in 1868, which post he held till 1877, when he was appointed principal of University College, Bristol. In 1879 he published his "Economics of Industry," in connection with his wife (née Paley). In 1881 ill health sent him abroad; in 1883 he was appointed lecturer on political economy at Balliol College, Oxford; in 1884 he was elected to the chair of political economy at Cambridge University, formerly held by Professor Fawcett. His work, "The Principles of Economics," published in 1890-91, is considered by many economists the most important recent English treatise on the subject. In 1903 he issued "The New Cambridge Curriculum in Economics." Address: Balliol Croft, 6 Wadingley Road, Cambridge, England.

MARX, KARL: Philosopher; economist; Socialist; born in 1818 at Treves of Jewish parentage. Studying at Jena, Bonn, and Berlin, he attracted early attention by his attainments in philosophy, and became a devoted Hegelian. In 1842 edited the Rheinische Zeitung, of Cologne, till it was supprest a year later for its radical utterances. Then went to Paris and made the acquaintance and friendship of Heine, Bakounin, Proudhon, Ruge, above all, of Engels. The two formed an intel

54

489 455 483 460 55

lectual partnership, and until Marx's death in 1883 worked together in communistic agitation.

In Paris Marx undertook, with Arnold Ruge, the publication of an edition of Hegel's "Philosophy of Jurisprudence," besides other literary labors; but having employed a paper, Vorwärts, to attack Prussia, the Prussian Government in 1846 asked his expulsion from France, which was granted, and he went to Brussels. Here Engels joined him, and the two formed a German Working Men's Association, having as its organ the Deutsche Brüsseler Zeitung. Their activity attracted the notice of a German communist league of Paris, which sent in 1847 to Marx in Brussels, and to Engels in Paris, asking them to enter the organization, and promising that a congress should be convened in London. The congress was held in the summer of 1847. As a result of this congress and of another held at the end of the year, the theories of Marx were generally accepted and he was asked to undertake with Engels the drawing up of a communist manifesto, which appeared early in the following year. (See MANIFESTO.) The manifesto was later adopted as the creed of the communists or Socialists.

The Manifesto

In 1848 the February Revolution broke out. The Brussels authorities feared disturbance, and compelled Marx to change Belgian for French soil. Marx was not at all unwilling, and he proceeded to Paris. A manifesto was at once drawn up for circulation in Germany, in which seventeen demands were advanced by the Communist Party. These demands comprized the proclamation of a republic; payment of members of Parliament so that working men might be eligible for election; the conversion of "princely and other feudal estates," with mines, etc., into State property; the appropriation of all means of transport, as railways, canals, steamships, roads, and posts, by the State; the restriction of the law of succession; the introduction of heavy progressive taxes and the abolition of excise duties; the establishment of national workshops; State guaranty to all work people of an existence and provision for the incapable; and universal and free education. Shortly afterward Marx returned to Ger

Maurice

many, and along with Engels, Wolff, and Freiligrath founded the Neue Rheinische Zeitung at Cologne, the first number appearing on June 1, 1848. For his utterances Marx had twice to appear at the Assizes, but he was each time acquitted. In May, 1849, there were risings in Dresden and the Rhine Province, and Marx was not slow to give them his editorial benediction. The newspaper was supprest, and the last number appeared, printed in red ink, on June 19.

Expelled from Prussia, Marx first went to Paris, but, refused residence there, he went to England. His studies were frequently broken, for it was necessary to earn a livelihood, and the duties of correspondent to the New York Tribune, which Marx fulfilled for eight years, consumed a large part of his time. His "Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie" bears the date Jan., 1859, a work containing the principles which were afterward to be developed in "Das Kapital." While carrying on his studies Marx came again prominently to the front in 1863 and 1864, when new endeavors were made to unite the working classes of various countries. The result of the agitation was the formation on May 28, 1864, of the International Working Men's Association. (See INTERNATIONAL.) Three years later Marx published the first volume of his great economic work, "Das Kapital." Upon this work rests the reputation of Marx as a political economist.

The International

Marx's later public life was identified with the International (q.v.), of which he was the first president. He became leader of the wing which favored the development of communism by the orderly political capture of the State, as opposed to Bakounin, the leader of the anarchist communist wing, which proposed to establish communism on the violent overturn of the State. (See ANARCHISM.) Out of Marx's policy has grown the German and now worldwide political Socialist movement, which, accepting the economics taught by Marx, looks to him as its founder. Some believe that this turning of the communistic movement into political channels will be looked upon as Marx's greatest deeda deed more important than his economic teachings, which, however brilliantly stated, are not peculiar to him. The English-reading public, however, has never done justice to Marx's economic teachings, because it has derived its notion of those teachings mainly from the first volume of "Das Kapital," which was long alone of Marx's writings translated into English. This volume, tho brilliant, is almost purely analytic

"Das Kapital."

more

and critical of the capitalistic movement and economics. His constructive works are much less known. The reason for the first volume of "Das Kapital” being the one alone translated was that Marx never lived himself to edit the remaining two volumes, tho after his death they were published by Engels from Karl Marx's notes (the second volume in 1885, the third in 1895). Marx died in London, March 14, 1883. One of his daughters married the French Socialist La Fargue (q. v.), and the other the English Socialist Edward Aveling (q. v.).

The best brief account of Marx's economic teachings is to be found in Professor Laveleye's "Socialism of To-day" (chap. iv.). We refer the reader to the article CAPITAL for a critical review by Professor Böhm-Bawerk:

Marx bases his system on principles formulated by Adam Smith, Ricardo, Bastiat, and their followers.

In respect of value, says Marx, commodities intended for exchange are crystallized labor. The unit of labor is an average day's work, which varies in different countries and at different times, but which may be considered a fixt quantity in a given community. An article possesses economic or exchange value only because it represents labor. What can be obtained without labor, like air and water, has no exchange value.

How is the quantity of values of an article to be measured? By the quantity of labor that it contains. The quantity of labor is itself measured by the duration of the labor, by days and hours. Here Marx makes a correction in the theory of Smith and Ricardo, and forestalls an objection. It might be said that, if it is the duration of the labor that creates the value of the products, a coat which took a tailor twice as long to make as was necessary would therefore be twice as valuable. Not so, replies Marx; the measure of the value of things is the duration of the labor on the average requisite, performed with the average amount of skill and diligence, and in the normal industrial conditions at any given time.

Analysis of Value

From these premises our author concludes that labor becomes more productive and creates more utilities to no purpose; it does not produce more value. In fact, if labor measured by time is the sole source of value, articles manufactured in greater quantity in the same lapse of time, all put together, represent no more value, because each individual article is worth less. By the strictly logical chain of these abstractions we arrive at this singular result, that all the inventions of science, all the improvements of manufacture, produce more utilities without increasing the sum total of exchange values. How, then, does the capitalist make money? First of all he buys machines, tools, raw materials, and then, in order to work up the materials, he purchases the workman's "labor force," arbeitskraft, the sole source of all value. He sets the laborer to work to change, by means of the tools and machines, the raw materials into manufactured articles, In and sells them for more than they cost him to make. this way he obtains a greater value, "surplus value" (mehrwerth). The money, temporarily transformed into wages and merchandise, reappears under its original form, but more or less increased in amount; it has brought forth youngcapital is born.

This would seem to conflict with the principle laid down above, that exchange does not create new value. The manufacturer has only made exchanges, and yet he finds himself in possession of a greater value. The explanation of the mystery is as follows: The capitalist pays for labor its exchange value, and thus obtains its value in use. Labor force has the unique characteristic of producing more than it costs to be produced. He who buys it and sets it to work for his gain enjoys then the source of all wealth. The capitalist pays for labor its value. What is the value of labor? Like all other merchandise, it is worth what it costs in time and trouble to be produced; that is to say, its cost of production. The cost of production of labor is the food and different commodities necessary to support the laborer and the children destined to succeed him. The value of all these commodities is measured in its turn by the time that it takes to produce them. In short, then, according to Marx, the value of labor is equivalent to the sum of hours required to create what the maintenance of the laborer demands. But to produce the commodities necessary for the existence of the laborer and his family during a day, a whole day's work is not needed. Marx supposes that five or six hours suffice. If, then, the laborer worked for himself, he could obtain all he needed in a half day, and the rest of his time he might devote to leisure or to procuring superfluities; but the slave of antiquity, the serf of the Middle Ages, when gaining his freedom in the existing social order, did not at the same time acquire property. He is therefore obliged to place himself in the service of those who possess the land and the instruments of production. These naturally require him to work for them the whole day of twelve hours or more. In six hours the laborer produces the equivalent of his subsistence; this is The Capital- what Marx terms 'the necessary labor": ist Process during the remaining six hours he produces the "surplus value,' the mehrwerth, to the profit of his employers. The capitalist pays the laborer for his labor-power at its value; that is to say, by giving him the amount of money which, representing six hours' labor, permits him to buy the necessaries of life; but as he thus obtains the free disposal of this productive force for which he has paid, he acquires everything it produces during the entire day. He therefore exchanges the produce of six hours against the labor of twelve hours, and puts in his pocket, as net profit, the produce of the six hours beyond the "necessary labor." From this surplus, pocketed by the employer, capital comes into being. The capitalist has different methods of increasing his profits. The first consists in multiplying the number of his workmen. The second method is to lengthen the workingday. The longer the laborer works beyond the necessary time which represents his wages, the greater the profit he

brings to his master. The third method consists in diminishing the duration of the "necessary labor," the hours which the laborer must work to produce his maintenance. This is done by rendering the labor more productive. As hours of labor obtain the same price, no matter what they produce, if twice as many articles can be made in the hour, each article will cost one half less and the laborer will have one half less to spend on living; he will therefore be able to sell his labor force for a remuneration reduced by one half. All these deductions appear to be irrefutable, and we thus arrive at this singular conclusion, that the more the employment of machines and of improved methods increases the productivity of labor, the lower wages fall and the greater the profits of the capitalist become.

According to Marx, the capitalist régime is of recent origin. It dates from the sixteenth century, when the large proprietors, impoverished by the wars of the Middle Ages, gradually drove their retainers from the soil, and thus formed a landless proletariat compelled to compete for wages. History is to Marx a portion of natural history. He says in the preface to the first edition: "My standpoint from which the evolution of the economic formation of society is received as a process of natural history, can less than any other make the individual responsible for relations whose creatures he socially remains, however much he may subjectively raise himself above them.'

According to Marx, the capitalistic era is a necessary epoch which must in time give place to communistic production. Capitalistic production, by compelling workmen to work for simply what is necessary to support life, cuts off its own market, since the workman has no money left to buy with! Hence capital is compelled to turn to commerce to supply it with ever new fields and markets for it to exploit. But this ends. There are no more new worlds for it to conquer, and so it is working its own ruin. Marx says: "One capitalist ever kills many. Hand in hand with this centralization, or the expropriation of many capitalists by few, are developed the cooperative form of the labor process-and that on a constantly increasing scale-the intelligent application of science to technical purposes, the systematic exploitation

of the soil, the transformation of the means of labor into means of labor only usable in The Present common, the economizing of all means of production by their use for production by Situation combined social labor, the entwining of all nations in the net of the world market, and thus the international character of the capitalist régime. With the steady decrease of the capital magnates, who usurp and monopolize all the advantages of this process of transformation, the mass of want, oppression, servitude, degradation, and spoliation grows; but the revolt of the laboring class-swelling ever in numbers, and disciplined, united, and organized by the mechanism of the capitalist process of production itself-spreads at the same time. capitalist monopoly becomes a fetter on the mode of production with and under which it has originated. The centralization of the means of production and the socialization of labor reach a point at which they become no longer compatible with their capitalist integument, and this is burst asunder. The last hour of capitalist private property strikes. The expropriators are expropriated.

The

In the first case there is the expropriation of the mass of the people by a few usurpers, but in the latter the expropriation of a few usurpers by the mass of the people.

Marx would make land and all the instruments of production collective and social property. He would go further; he would have all subjects of the State share equally in labor and the produce of labor. His future State is a Labor State in which labor will be compulsory on all who are capable. In "Capital" we find him developing the idea of uniting agriculture with industry, which is advanced in the Communist Manifesto written in 1847. He would have great variety in the labor of the individual, so that he may be as many-sided as possible.

On account of its intellectual brilliancy and acumen, and the influence it has had on Germans, it has been called distinctively "Scientific Socialism"; yet to-day it is not accepted by many scientific Socialists, much less other political economists. In its merciless logic and Hegelian dialectic, it is indeed scarcely possible to pick a flaw; but some Socialists say that it starts from a wrong premise. Marx's error is not his, but inherited from Adam Smith and Ricardo. Labor is not the only source of value. If Adam Smith and Ricardo are right in saying that it is, then Marxian socialism follows. It takes more than labor to produce value. Labor is only one of the elements. Socialists who do not follow Marx's economics arrive at his results, but through other channels. (See SOCIALISM; VALUE.) The acumen of Marx's analysis of the orthodox economics

Marx Maurice

and his contribution to the development of political socialism are, however, beyond all question. The best account of Marx is in Dawson's "German Socialism" (1888).

MASSONIUS, PIOTR: Polish member of the Russian Duma; born in 1862. Representative (autonomist) from Minsk government. He is a small landowner, and graduate of Minsk College, the School of Pure Science of Warsaw University, and Leipsic University with the degree of Ph.D. Massonius published a series of works on esthetic criticism and Polish history. For a time he was editor of the Reforma.

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MASTERMAN, CHARLES FREDERICK GURNEY: English Member of Parliament; author; editor; lecturer; born at Rotherfield Hall, Sussex, England, in 1873; educated at Weymouth School and Christ's College, Cambridge. class in natural sciences tripos, 1895; first class in moral sciences, 1896. President of the Cambridge Union, 1896; fellow of Christ's College, 1900. Elected to Parliament as a progressive Liberal from West Ham, 1906. Literary editor of London Daily News; writer for The Independent Review; Speaker Contemporary. Active in the Christian Social Union. Lecturer for the Cambridge and London University Extension Societies; served as secretary for Children's Country Holiday Fund and as a Guardian of the Poor for the District of Camberwell. Author: "Tennyson as a Religious Leader," "The Heart of the Empire," "From the Abyss,' ""In Peril of Change.' Address: 10 Addington Square, Camberwell, London, S. E.

His

MAURICE, JOHN FREDERICK DENISON: Founder of Christian Socialism; born Normanston, Suffolk, England, 1805; son of a Unitarian minister. Graduating at Trinity, Cambridge, he took a degree in law, but early devoted himself to writing on religious and social questions, particularly in The Athenæum. In 1831 he entered the Church of England, and went to Oxford and obtained a second class in classics in 1831. first curacy was at Bubbenhall, Warwickshire, but from 1836-46 was chaplain at Guy's Hospital, London. His writings were already attracting attention. In 1835 he wrote "Subscription vs. Bondage," and an article subsequently enlarged into his "Moral and Metaphysical Philosophy" (1850-57). In his "Kingdom of Christ" (1838), "Lectures on Education (1839), "Reasons for not Joining a Party in the Church" (1841), he laid the foundations for the theological views of which in the present century he is undoubtedly the great master, with his high conception of the Church and the nation, and yet with a catholic conception of Christianity that found room in it for what-tho he himself repudiated the namehas been later called "Broad Church" divinity. He was chaplain at Lincoln's Inn 1846-59; it is to this period that his Christian Socialist activities belong. (For a full account of this movement, see CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.) His attention was first prominently called to socialism and its moral significance by Ludlow, but Maurice became the "master" of the little school of thinkers and workers that gathered round, and he proposed the name Christian Socialism, saying that it was the only name that would deliver us to the conflict we must sooner or later wage with unsocial Christians and with unchristian Socialists. He contributed largely to the literature

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