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Nuremberg

summer for all workmen; and to 6 P.M. all through the year on the eve of Sundays and holy days; on Sundays and holy days the Bolag establishments were open only from 1 to 3 P.M. to persons taking their meals there, when brännvin was supplied only as an appetizer. The law considered boys under fifteen as minors; the Bolag raised the age to eighteen, and limited the quantity to be sold to one person over the bar to 2 drams-not at too frequent intervals. The company, furthermore, established four eating-houses apart from the saloons where meals could be obtained from 7.30 A.M. to 9 P.M. on week-days, and from 1 to 3 P.M. and 6.30 to 9 P.M. on Sundays-with only one dram of brandy. In order to provide places where people might spend their leisure time profitably reading-rooms were established by the Bolag.

Owing to the fact that the Bolag obtained control of all licenses for spirits only in 1875, statistics before that date are misleading, since the public houses conducted for private gain had large sales, not only over the bar, but in halfgallon bottles for home consumption, from 1866 to 1874. The company's record really dates from that year.

SALE OF SPIRITS IN GOTHENBURG (IN LITERS)

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In order to better appreciate the decrease in the consumption of spirits, as shown by these figures, it must be stated that Gothenburg is surrounded by a prohibition zone, and that consequently a large part sold for "home consumption" goes to farmers and villagers near the city. In 1868 the Bolag had acquired all of the 61 licenses at the disposal of the town, altho some of them did not expire until 1875; it appropriated for public houses 27; transferred to hotels and clubs, 16; left unused, 18. There were consequently 43 licenses used, making one to every 1,172 of the inhabitants. The Bolag persistently reduced the number of licenses after the above date, and transferred more of them to eatinghouses and hotels, where the sale of liquor was regulated by laws passed on its own initiative by the town council. It also reduced the percentage of alcohol from 50 and 47 to 44, and raised the price of spirits per glass from 6 to 8 öre, or about 25 per cent.

The good effect which the Gothenburg system had in reducing the consumption of spirits was soon noticed by other cities. The consequence was that they introduced it, with similar beneficent results. In 1896 their number was 92 with a total population of 1,006,666. Instead of giving figures for each of these towns to prove the beneficial action of the company plan, it may be better to give them for the whole of Sweden.

The total consumption of brandy was, in liters, in 1870, 43,004,162, or 10.3 per head; 187553,967,336, or 12.4: 1880-37,204,801, or 8.1; 1885-39,364,133, or 8.4; 1890-33,478,019, or 7.0; 1895-33,458,088, or 6.9; 1898-40,200,ooo, or 8.0. Concerning this increase in 1898, see below.

The company system of Norway is based on

Norway

that of Gothenburg, but differs from it in various important respects. The movement in Sweden started from one city, and was more or less copied by other towns; but the decision as to local option, licenses, etc., was left with the town authorities; the Bolags, moreover, have never had full control of all the licenses in the towns and country districts. In Norway the_system_started from the central government. By the Act of May 3, 1871, the power to grant or refuse licenses was reserved to the Department of the Interior, at least by implication. Practically the right to allow the sale is expressly denied to the country districts-i. e., to 82 per cent of the total population in 1875-and also to 5 of the smaller towns. The central government holds, moreover, that the temptation on the part of towns to ask for licenses in order to reduce taxation by other means should be avoided by providing that the profits from the sale of liquor should not go to the defraying of expenses which the towns are bound to meet by regular taxation. Furthermore, the law of July 27, 1894, provided that the profits from the sale of liquor should be divided between the municipality, the company, and the State, the latter's share increasing constantly. In 1897, for instance, the town might get 15 per cent, the company 60, the State 25; but in 1901, when the law had taken full force, the proportion was 15, 20, and 65, respectively. The companies were by this law put in charge of the beer and wine licenses, and had a practical monopoly of the sale of all alcoholic beverages. The law also provided that all inhabitants of a town over twenty-five years old, whether male or female, should have the right to vote for local option or company licenses every five years. In order to reduce the number of wholesale dealers the law raised the amount of liquor which might be sold to an individual from 40 liters to 250, and exacted 1,000 kroner—about $280-yearly for a license. The State thus discouraged the sale of spirits in every possible way.

In order to carry out its benevolent purposes the liquor traffic was put into the hands of companies, or Samlags, consisting of the most respected and philanthropic men in each town, under whose supervision reforms have been introduced similar to those in Sweden, e. g., in regard to reduction of licenses, cleanliness, credit, eating-houses, reading-rooms, etc. The hours of sale were, however, further restricted.

Christiansand was the first town to form a Samlag. Its example was rapidly followed by others. In 1891 all but 8 out of the 59 towns had formed Samlags; of these 8 the petition of 5 was denied, and 3 had private licenses.

To illustrate the operation of the company law, Bergen, the chief port and second city of Norway, may serve as an illustration.

Sale of spirits in Bergen (in liters), per head: 1877-2.45; 1885—1.68; 1895-1.35; 1899-0.96; 1901-0.87. Bars were abolished in 1902. The sales for home consumption remained practically the same, changing from 4.20 in 1897 to 4.99 in 1899, and 5.27 in 1905.

The sales in other cities were similar to those in Bergen. For the whole of Norway the total consumption of spirits was, in liters: 1875-11,842,ooo; per head, 6.0. In 1885-6,840,000; per head, 3.5. In 1895-7,111,000; per head, 3.5. In 1899-7,247,000; per head, 3.3. For Norway the consumption of absolute alcohol in brandy,

wine, and beer, per head, was: 1877-about 3.3 liters; 1885-about 2.4; 1895-2.5; 1898-2.5; 1905-1.98.

Results

(1) The amount of spirits has gone down in both countries per head of the population; in Norway about 45 to 50 per cent. (2) The number of rum-shops has been reduced, e. g., in the towns of Norway from 501 in 1871 to about 130 in 1902, notwithstanding the increase in population. (3) The saloons have been divested of their various attractions to vice, e. g., immorality, gambling, etc. (4) Eating-houses, libraries, waiting-rooms, etc., have been established to act as counter attractions and serve as places where men may spend their leisure hours without temptation to drink. (5) The time for the sale of liquor has been reduced on week-days, and almost abolished on Sundays and holy days-the time of greatest temptation; and the age of minors has been raised from 15 to 18-the company's inns in Norway have, e. g., refused to sell liquor to about 872 minors, and over 26,000 intoxicated persons. (6) Considerable sums of money have been given for public purposes from the profits of liquor, e. g., the Samlag of Bergen turning over 2,652,723 kroner, or about $736,865, from 1877-97; that of Christiania, 4,662,445 kr., or about $1,249,535, from 1886-1903. (7) The liquor traffic has practically been eliminated from politics. (8) The people have been educated to a greater appreciation of sobriety, as is proved by the growth of the Norwegian Abstinence Society from a membership of 8,000 in 1876 to about 400,000 in 1906.

It must be confessed, on the other hand, that the system has not done all that was claimed for it: (1) The consumption of beer has largely increased in both countries, e. g., from 16.5 liters per head in 1875 to 45.0 in 1898 in Sweden, and from 12.3 in 1871 to 23.2 in 1899 in Norway. (2) The arrests for drunkenness have also increased in both countries, e. g., in Gothenburg from 39 per 1,000 population in 1875 to 58 in 1899; in Bergen from 20.6 in 1877 to 25.9 in 1899.

What are the causes of these facts? In Sweden wine and beer licenses have been left in the hands of private persons, and these made every effort to make up for the loss sustained through the transfer of the liquor licenses to the Samlags. It is admitted, moreover, that in smaller towns the company saloons have not always been well managed. In regard to arrests it may suffice to say that the sentiment in favor of punishing drunken persons is keener now than it was before, and does not necessarily argue an increase in drunkenness. Stockholm, for instance, shows a decrease from 49 in 1876 to 42 in 1898 per 1,000. The figures gradually decreased from 1876 to 1884, when arrests were only 24 per 1,000; then they rose again. As a matter of fact, the statistics of arrests for drunkenness can be explained only as a sign of greater or smaller strictness.

In conclusion it may be said that the company system has proved a success in both Sweden and Norway, particularly in the latter, since its laws

were better framed and gave the Conclusions companies complete control over

alcoholic drinks in 1894. A gradual decrease in the consumption of both beer and liquor has since taken place in Norway; e. g., in 1903 the decrease was 26,955 liters in liquor and 46,745 quarts in beer over 1902. If the laws have not done everything that was ex

Nuremberg

pected, one must bear in mind that men are not made sober by law, but by moral and religious influences; neither can customs, centuries old, be suddenly eradicated by a legal decree, but by the slow process of education.

RUDOLPH M. BINDER. REFERENCES: The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, by Joseph Rowntree and Arthur Sherwell, New York, 1900; The Gothenburg System of Liquor Traffic, by Dr. E. R. L. Gould, Fifth Special Report of the U. S. Department of Labor, 1893; Public Control in Sweden and Norway, Arena, Feb., 1905.

NOYES, JOHN HUMPHREY: Founder of the Oneida Community; born 1811 at Brattleboro, Vt.; graduated from Dartmouth College and began to study law. During the great revival of 1831, being converted, he gave up his legal studies, and prepared for admission to Andover Theological Seminary; completed theological course at New Haven, Conn., and was there ordained a minister of the Congregational Church. The views of Christian doctrine he held at this time, particularly as to the possibility of living a sinless life, brought him into conflict with the authorities both of seminary and church. Surrendering his license, he began preaching independently, chiefly in Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Vermont, and in a few years was the acknowledged leader of a considerable body of disciples. Returned in 1836 to his father's home in Putney, Vt., where for the next eleven years he was engaged in publishing his new doctrines in periodicals, pamphlets, and books. During this period, with the members of his family and others, he formed a small community of about forty members; but the opposition of the town to the community was so active that in 1847 he and his associates withdrew from the place. Preliminary steps had been taken the previous summer toward forming a community in central New York, and to this place he and his disciples retired, leaving Putney. This movement resulted in the organization of the Oneida Community, with which the name of Mr. Noyes has ever since been connected. (See ONEIDA COMMUNITY.)

NUREMBERG (Medieval): We present here on its economic side a brief account of Nuremberg at the close of the Middle Ages, as in many ways typical of those ages and full of suggestiveness for modern times. We abridge the account from an article by W. D. P. Bliss in The Outlook (March 17, 1906):

Medieval Nuremberg was a city of success. This breathes from every point. Æneas Sylvius, who wrote in the fifteenth century, says: "The burghers' dwellings seem to have been built for princes. In truth, the kings of Scotland would gladly be housed so luxuriously as the ordinary citizen of Nuremberg." No one can doubt the substantial and widely distributed prosperity of the Burgher City.

One wonders still more at the high quality of its life. Equality here spelled Quality. Art, learning, religion, were universal. There was no artistic set, no learned class, no 5 per cent or 20 per cent who Artistio Life attended church. In Nuremberg, more than elsewhere in the world, the artist was an artizan and the artizan an artist. Her greatest poet was a cobbler. When Adam Krafft carved his ciborium, that "miracle of German art," he represented himself and his assistants in working costume supporting the beautiful creation. Education, too, was popularized. If Gutenberg discovered printing with movable metal type in Mainz in 1455. Nuremberg, before 1500, had twenty-four presses and had printed 200 different works. Nuremberg was the first city in Germany, if not in the world, to found a gymnasium, a secondary school for the people. Equally was her religion for all. Vischer wrought his shrine "to the praise of God Almighty above and the honor of St. Sebald.' Each trade gild had its patron saint, its saint's feast, its gild church or chapel. It is this commingling of art and of commerce, of learning

Occupations

THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SOCIAL REFORM

and of trade, of religion and of daily life, that gives to
Nuremberg its greatest charm.

Nuremberg was by no means a perfect city; its citizens were
by no means ideal neighbors. The streets were ill kept, if
not filthy. The 6,205 "poems" of Hans Sachs were often
coarse. The government of the city was habitually cruel and
harsh, even when just. The subterranean passages under
the Rathhaus, the dark dungeons of the castle, the torture-
chamber with its horrors, above all, the "Iron Virgin," deliver
us from any sentimental desire for the return of "the good
old times." Nevertheless, just this, that out of such darkness
and ignorance and evil there did arise such art and freedom,
such individuality and success, makes us hasten to ask the
question how it all arose.

We do not hesitate to answer: It arose first and foremostwe do not say solely-because Nuremberg was a city of gild rule. No Nuremberger ever seriously dreamed of leaving trade or art or manufacture, or indeed any portion of life, to the accident and incident of unrestricted competition. "Competition," the Nuremberger would have said, "is the death of trade, the subverter of freedom, above all, the destroyer of quality." Every Nuremberger, like every medieval man, thought of himself, not as an independent unit, but as a dependent, altho component, Economic part of a larger organism, church or empire Basis or city or gild. This was of the very essence of medieval life. According to the theory of the times, the town held the right to practise trades as a feudal tenure from the emperor, who held it from God. practise trades the Rath, or Town Council, parceled out This tenure the right to between the gilds or groups of citizens, each gild having the right to practise only that art or subdivision of art granted it by the Rath. Finally, in its turn, the gild granted to its different individual members the right to practise the trade, conditioned, however, upon restrictions and within very definite limits. The gild determined what raw material might be bought and how much, the number of apprentices any master might employ, and the conditions under which they should work. It determined the number of journeymen in any shop, and the wages they were paid. It held the right to determine, and often did determine, the very methods and mechanism of production. Above all, it fixt the price of the finished product and scrupulously controlled the

market.

It will be said, with truth, that the medieval trade-gild was not like the modern trade-union, in that the latter is composed of operatives only, while in the medieval gilds master and workman, employer and employee, tho with fixt order of precedence, nevertheless sat and voted in the same gild. This was true, at least, in the period in which Nuremberg was laying the foundations of her great development. We are not forgetful that the system did not endure. Even under a beneficent feudalism the interests of labor and capital, inherently diverse, broke forth in open strife in Nurem berg as early as the fourteenth century. formed a new council composed mainly of artizans. This The artizans council did not endure, but it sowed the seeds of lasting conflicts between the masters and the men, and the struggle went on till the power of the old gilds was forever gone. But it shows how much Nuremberg owed to the old system. Take the vexed question of apprenticeship. The gild, as we have seen, determined the number of apprentices. According to the rules of the times, the master his apprentice night and day in his house, give him board must maintain and attention, and keep him under lock and key." It does not sound very free, nor very inviting; but listen. ter had to teach the apprentice his trade, with all its mysteries. The masHe must keep no secret back, on pain of losing his license to trade. When the apprenticeship (Lehrjahre) expired, the young worker was given time and money to travel and study his trade in other countries, for one, three, or even five years (his Wanderjahre). If he was an iron-worker, he would go to the Low Countries and see the marvelous iron-work of Antwerp and Liège. If he was a silversmith or goldsmith, he would go to Florence and North Italy. came home, when his Wanderjahre were over, then, while Finally, when he working for a master, he was required to make a masterpiece, and only when he had done this and proved himself a master workman could he be admitted to rank as a master in his craft. Do we wonder still that Nuremberg workmanship was renowned?

It will be said that Nuremberg's success was based upon thorough training. training possible. The gild did not allow the untrained But it was the gild rule that made this workman or the mean-spirited trader to cut prices to spoil or steal the market. tested all materials, and determined how much each proThe gilds measured and weighed and

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ducer could have. The gilds said where materials should be bought. No open market or free trade for them. They equally measured or counted, weighed and tested, the finished product. No dishonest goods, no adulterated wares,

were to be foisted on the market to deceive Gild Rule 1456 two men were burned alive at Nuremthe purchaser or lower the price. As late as berg for having sold adulterated wines. Wares, the gild laws said, must be, "in the eyes of all, good, irreproachable, and without flaw." in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market was not NuTo buy remberg's commercial law. went into every possible and even absurd detail. The gild The gild regulations, indeed, laws determined even what the artizan should wear and eat. It was a quarrel over this latter item that largely led to the disruption of the old gilds and the development of the journeymen's gilds.

But it was not only in economic matters that the gilds held sway. They legislated in the realm of morals and behavior. Only the right of life and of limb was reserved to the emperor. The gilds were charitable and benefit societies. The gild system covered the whole domain of life and entered every province. Even the poets had their gild. Nuremberg, however, was not unaware of the dangers of combinations. A rescript of a commission of the Reichstag, held in Nuremberg, 1522-23, says:

"Item: The aforesaid monopolies, uniting, combining, associatings and their sellings, have not now for the first time been found out not to be borne; but the same were regarded as very noxious to the commonweal and distinctive and worthy to be punished, as aforetime by the Roman emperors and jurisconsults, and especially by the blessed Emperor Justinian, so that such trespassers should be made to lose all their goods, and, moreover, should be adjudged to eternal misery [exile] from their homes, as standeth written. Lege Unica Cod. de Monop. that all companies and common trading should be wholly But therefore it is not said cut away. This were indeed against the commonweal and very burdensome and harmful and foolish to the whole German nation. . . . If each one trade singly and should lose thereby, that would then be to his undoing... such a forbidding would only serve the rich and their advantage, who in all cases everywhere do pluck the grain for themselves and leave the chaff for others." 1

Nuremberg thus saw very well that competition only served the rich and the strong, that collective trading was the hope of the poor and the plain people. The gilds were therefore encouraged but controlled. script, they could have a capital of only 50,000 gulden, with According to the rethree storehouses, outside family stores. They must make sworn reports to the town councils. Dispersed companies were not to join. Only limited amounts of material could be bought. They were to be trading companies. Money was not to be lent on usury (interest). The gilds were to serve the people, not to become their masters. Indeed, the guild system cannot be rightly judged unless one take into consideration the control of the gilds by the Rath or town council. This was paternal, often socialistic in the extreme. It was, as we have seen, cruel-but it was with a just cruelty. Extortion, false measures, adulteration of goods, were abominations in a trading town and punished usually by death. There was to be no cornering of the market. ticularly so in the matter of food. This was parand filled them with grain against the day of drought, when The town built granaries they could be opened and the grain sold at low prices to prevent a monopoly price. The town government, if not by the people, was of the people, and for the people. Such, in brief, was the system that produced Nuremberg's art and commerce. and individuality. The first gunlocks, the first air-guns, the It most certainly developed freedom first clarionets, the first globes, were made in Nuremberg. In 1500 Peter Hemlein made the first watches, and they were called Nuremberg eggs. The first paper-mill in Germany,

if not in Europe, was established here. A machine for draw-
ing wine was invented in Nuremberg. Printing, as we have
seen, tho not discovered here, was early introduced. The
first playing-cards were printed here; still to-day Nuremberg
is the great manufacturer of toys. Marvelous quality of
work, equality of effort, freedom in inventiveness and crea-
tion, grew up largely because by the gild laws the Nuremberg
man found deliverance from competition in cheapness of
work and of prices.

REFERENCES: The Story of Nuremberg, C. Headlam; The City
of the Closed Shop, article by W. D. P. Bliss, Outlook,
March 17, 1906.

1 Belfort Bax's "German Society of the Middle Ages,"
Appendix.

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Occupations

OASTLER, RICHARD: English reformer; born in Yorkshire, near Huddersfield, 1789, and succeeded his father as steward to Mr. Thornhill, living at Tirby Hall. Early interested in the abolition movement, he suddenly became aware that there were slaves in England. In a letter to the Leeds Mercury, in 1830, he exposed some of the evils existing in the neighboring mills. Agitation was aroused, and a bill was laid before Parliament by Lord Morpeth, limiting the hours of work and raising the limit of age for work in the mills. The opposition of the manufacturers was bitter, and they succeeded in getting the bill amended so that it was almost useless. Calumny was heaped upon Oastler, but he did not swerve from his course. His advice to the working classes was, "Let your politics be 'ten hours a day and a time book."

Oastler now became associated with T. Hobhouse and M. T. Sadler (members of Parliament); and, in 1831, Sadler introduced a ten-hours bill into the House of Commons. The bill did not pass, and in 1832 Sadler lost his seat.

Another leader, however, appeared, Lord Ashley, afterward Earl of Shaftesbury. The mass of testimony which Oastler had produced showed that it was the custom to employ children, from five years old upward, from five in the morning till ten at night, and that during the whole time they were on their feet, with a short interval for dinner. Several cases of death resulting from beatings were proved. Lord Ashley brought in a ten-hours bill for women and children in 1833. A government bill was, however, finally accepted by Oastler and Lord Ashley, as the best that could be procured. While it did a certain amount of good, it permitted manufacturers to act as justices and punish offenses committed by members of their own body; and, naturally enough, punishments were few, while infractions of the act were many. The law was so openly disregarded that Oastler began his campaign afresh. The cry went out, Yorkshire slavery still exists." As a result the government was finally obliged to promise to enforce the factory

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ent for School Savings-Banks department of the National and World Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and has been personally instrumental in placing the system in a very large number of schools. Besides literary works in prose and verse, she has written numerous pamphlets and articles upon school savings-banks. Address: 1905 Tioga Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

He

O'BRIEN, JAMES BRONTERRE: British reformer; born in Longford, Ireland, 1805; educated in the school conducted by Miss Edgeworth, the novelist, and Dublin University, where he won honors and gathered around him a brilliant coterie of admirers and friends. He entered Gray's Inn, London, and fell under the influence of Cobbett and Hunt, and was drawn into the radical movement. He became one of the leaders of the Chartist cause, and was widely known as "the Chartist Schoolmaster." He was several times arrested and sent to prison. emphasized the economic aspects of the Chartist movement, and to some extent was a precursor of Karl Marx and apparently the first to use the term "surplus value.' He also called himself a "Social Democrat" and urged the formation of a "Social Democratic Party," being the first writer so far as is known to use the terms which have become so significant. For years he edited the most influential Chartist organ, The Poor Man's Guardian. He published a translation of Buonarotti's History of Babeuf's Conspiracy for Equality," with a valuable introduction and copious notes; "Life of Robespierre"; "Human Slavery: How It Came Into the World, and How It Shall Be Made to Go Out" (posthumously issued in 1885). O'Brien died in 1864.

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J. S.

OCCUPATIONS: The following world statistics are taken from the German Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich for 1906:

Agriculture and fishing employ the largest proportion of the bread-earners in this order: Hungary, Italy, Russia, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, France, Norway, Germany, Switzerland, the U. S.

Manufacture and mining employ the largest proportion of the bread-earners in this order: Scotland, England and Wales, Belgium, Switzerland, Holland.

The largest proportion of bread-earners engaged in commerce are in Holland, the U. S., Norway, England and Wales, Scotland, Denmark, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany.

The largest proportion in the army and navy are in Russia, Germany and France; the smallest number are in Switzerland, the U. S., Scotland, and Norway.

The largest proportion in public or professional life are in Great Britain, Holland, France, Italy, Russia, Germany.

The largest number in domestic or personal service are in Belgium, the U. S., Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, Holland, Denmark.

The first two tables on page 844 give the occupations for the principal countries of the world. The first gives the actual numbers, the second the percentage in the same order as the first. Some interesting figures will be noticed, e. g., that the comparatively poor countries have the largest percentage of domestic servants.

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1 In the U. S. barbers, laundresses, employees in hotels, saloons, and similar persons are grouped under this head.

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