return, if possible, with the two, promising to send him teachers next voyage, if The Savage Islanders, so terrible a portrait of whom was drawn not thirty years ago by Williams, also received a visit. Now they are at worship: 'After arriving at the teacher's house, we learned that so many of the people had assembled from different places, that it would be impossible for them to get into the chapel, and it was proposed to hold the meeting at a place near, under the shade of bread-fruit and banana trees. To this proposition we agreed, and had the native bell rung at once to call the people together. We were quite surprised to find an assembly of at least 2,000 congregated on an island hitherto reported to contain only about 1,200 inhabitants. The services were commenced by Paulo, the teacher placed at Tamahamutalau. He first gave out a hymn in the native tongue, which was sung by the assembled multitude, in strains not over refined, but sweet and melodious to a missionary's ear, and, we have no doubt, also to the ears of those ministering spirits who are sent forth to minister to those who shall be the heirs of salvation. After the hymn was sung, Paulo prayed in the native language; then followed our addresses in the Samoan language, which were translated by Paulo. The people listened to the words spoken with intense interest. Mr. Harbutt next baptized some children belonging to the teachers, after which, the ordinance of the Lord's Supper was administered to the teacher, and the other church-members present. This ordinance was accompanied with addresses in the Samoan language suitable to their circumstances. We retired to the shore, and returned in our boat to the vessel, with hearts filled with gratitude to God for what he had done for this once savage land, through the instrumentality of native agency.' And this is the report of their state, made by the native Christian teachers:'Their reports were very cheering, and of a highly satisfactory nature. Heathenism is completely subverted, and on that savage island, which, only a few years ago, was the scene of ceaseless strife and savage warfare, Peace has established her reign, and men live together in unity and love, beneath the sway of her golden septre.' The deputation add, in words that would make Sir John Pakington's mouth water, the entire population capable of instruction attend the schools of the teachers! There is a communication in the same journal from Dr. Wing, lately sent out as medical missionary by the London Society; it is dated Hong Kong, November 26, and the editor speaks of the impossibility of the Doctor's settling at Canton at present, owing to the public disturbances, but in the Notices' of the Wesleyan Missionary Society we find a letter from Canton, dated three months later, in February last, speaking of the Doctor's actual arrival and settlement in Canton, and of his having established a missionary hospital within the walls. This is true and right work, but scarcely the right kind of intelligence in the Chronicle.' Two writers in the Wesleyan 'Notices' vindicate the character of the Christian converts, and of the general population of Jamaica. Acknowledging the existence of gross licentiousness, they nevertheless maintain that the accounts sent to England have been greatly exaggerated. Mr. Sargeant writes strongly, and says: 'During the last year, I have travelled more than a thousand miles, chiefly over the north side of the island. I have visited the people in the towns, villages, and on the plantations, and inquired into their circumstances and habits; and I am convinced that a people have seldom been, if ever, more grossly misrepresented than the poor peasantry of this country. They are not, certainly, so advanced in general enlightenment and civilization as the emancipated classes of Antigua and St. Kitt's, and some of the smaller colonies that I know to windward, where society is more compact, and more accessible to the missionary and the schoolmaster; but their moral and social condition is such, nevertheless, as to demand thankfulness to God at the hands of every Christian, and to inspire all that labour for their benefit with the brightest hopes. We have recently read the articles of the "Times" newspaper, and the correspondence of "Expertus," and are amazed at their audacity. These writers are either shamefully ignorant of facts about which they write, or shamefully dishonest.' We quote this not merely to cheer the Christian heart of our readers, but as an act of justice to Jamaica and to the work for freedom and for religion that has been done there. Monthly Retrospect. Not a Quarterly Review,' as some of our correspondents and critics have suggested, we might just as well adopt as omit the monthly summary for two months! It shall be monthly in future, and would have been in the past, but for a strain of other duties, to which it would have been impossible to add. Over the water Western editors do not hesitate, we are told, to publish blank sheets when other duties press, or news fails to arrive in time. We have not yet been driven to that extremity. Nor have we ever been under the necessity of retreating upon the weather,' the baby,' or 'the Thames'--although the last would be an excuse capable of easy and effective urging. We can only say we have done our best, and if our best has been, under this heading, nothing-well, may your and our worst never be more harmful! If we were to consult simply convenience and strength-it would be nothing once again. It is pleasant, however, to know that the omission of a customary feature is regretted. One cannot help then saying-not 'I am glad I did not do it,' but 'I wish I could have done it! And now-you and we, dear readers, know each other too well to need that another word should be said on this subject. What a hard grinding machine Government has been these last few weeks! So much work to do, so much space to travel over, in a given period. Fast, harsh, with the noise of the wheels, and the clank of the engine very audible to the ears. True nineteenth century labour! And the driver knowing that he will be dismissed if he does not keep pretty good time, and that the public will hold him responsible for all accidents. The engine does its work, but ears, eyes and nostrils, are offended with its manner. It must, however, be admitted that there has seldom been a better, faster, cheaper, or less offensive train than the present. Dropping the image-what a splendid review of the session will the Chancellor of the Exchequer be able to make! Not since Sir Robert Peel resigned office have there been anything like so many useful and popular reforms passed into law. Nor, since the same statesman was minister, has there ever been a Government that, by its acts, has so quickly won, so well deserved, and so unexpectedly retained the confidence of Parliament and the public. Very few believed, when Lord Derby took office, that his Cabinet would have sufficient public tact, political instinct, or suavity of demeanour, to detect or bend to the popular will. A high aristocratic régime was anticipated, a régime that was to be borne with only out of hatred and contempt of the miserable Whig clique that had held office and earned dishonour for the last five years. We believe that not a single measure of reform was expected, and that very little disappointment would have been felt if none had been accomplished. Anything in preference to Palmerston, Russell, and Grey; Grey, Russell, and Palmerston; Russell, Palmerston, and Grey over and over, over and over again. Let legislation be altogether stopped, and the expense of a Parliament saved, rather than the country should be burdened, like the Old Man of the Sea,' not with one, but with three such politically dead and corrupt corpses. This was, we believe, about the measure and tone of feeling with which the new ministry was accepted. But it had the rare qualification of at once detecting and appreciating this situation, and of turning it to profitable account. What were the measures which, if the Liberals were to regain power, they would be compelled immediately to pass? What were the measures which the country had made up its mind to have? What had been the financial deficiencies of the late Government? What had been its especial weakness in foreign affairs? Out of this weakness and deficiency the new ministers made their first capital. Like a servant who takes another's place, if he makes a point of doing that well which his predecessor did very ill, for a time, at least, he is sure to be looked upon with more than customary favour. For, where there was once a constant running sore and irritation there is now an actually pleasant feeling, and with this pleasant feeling the new servant is informed that, although he was taken only temporarily and as a make-shift, his employers like him so well that he may consider himself permanently engaged. He has now gone through the busy season with credit and satisfaction, may take his holiday, and be sure of a welcome back when the season re-opens. The present amiable feeling toward the Government shows that, after all, the public is a good, and on the whole a just master. None so ready to receive promises and professions-for, like all honourable men, he believes in the honour of others, until he feels and knows that he is being designedly and systematically duped. Even then he is satisfied with a fair quantity of performance to a prodigious quantity of promise, for though deceived in certain people, he gives his confidence to others as frankly, readily, and truthfully as though all were like himself. Thus, the ready promises of Mr. Disraeli are received without a smile of incredulity or an indication of distrust. Hint that they cannot all be performed, and he will say, with just indignation, 'He has done well, Sir, and is entitled to credit.' So, as one of the public, we say-Christian of Christianized Jew, Radical of Conservative, Dissenter of Churchman-he has done well, and is entitled to credit. This is what has been done within the last three or four months: In FINANCES-the Receipts and Expenditure have been adjusted as nearly as it was possible to do it, with the large legacy of debt left by political predecessors. If it has not been practicable to reduce the extravagant outgoings from the national exchequer, it has been found practicable at least to carry on the government with a reduction of taxation. A difficulty was confessedly left, but since it was admitted and stated, one-fourth of it has vanished, and the expert and ready Chancellor of the Exchequer has engaged to overhaul the national expenditure so as to see what reductions can be effected. We may pretty safely reckon upon his doing so. Any minister who will do it honestly and effectively will save office for himself, and may risk an otherwise most unfruitful session. We are now far less heavily taxed than, as a nation, we were sixty or seventy years ago, but having more knowledge of finance, and of all the details of legislation, and a more direct and powerful control over both the Crown and the ministers, we chafe where we should, at one time, not have noticed a pressure. Not that we have any objection to the state-coach being gilded, or to the horses being pretty richly caparisoned, but if we have to draw the coach ourselves, we must not feel the traces. 'Sixty years ago' the heavy charger cared nothing for mere weight of metal; moving and being required to move faster now, and being perhaps of a more mettlesome breed, we will not bear the weight. Less harness or a lighter coach! is the order Mr. Disraeli has to execute between now and the next session. In COLONIAL LEGISLATION not much has been attempted or required. As a rule, the less done in this department of our regal government the safer is it likely to be for both the extent and permanency of our rule. To lengthen the leading strings is, perhaps, the best and only thing that a wise statesman will attempt. This, unquestionably, will be the practical operation of the Indian Act of 1858. We have now made of that great empire an English colony. Having, rebelled against the steward's authority, we have taken her under our own paternal government and protection, not with a view of curbing, but of rightly directing and enlarging her liberties. This is literally all that Lord Stanley's Act does. There is a cumbersomeness in its mode of doing this, an absurd and hampering provision for many councillors-with whom we are afraid there will be little wisdom'-and a rather shy and deferential fear of public responsibility, but the Act is understood by every one to be only a make-shift, and with stronger 1 506 measure. faith and a stronger Parliament the noble lord may attempt a bolder Agreeing with Mr. Roebuck in the spirit of his motion respecting the |