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XXI. Further defects of the present constitution . 131
XXII. The same subject continued, and concluded 138
XXIII. The necessity of a government, at least equal-

ly energetic with the one proposed 149
XXIV. The subject continued, with an answer to an

objection concerning standing armies 155
XXV. The subject continued, with the same view . 161
XXVI. The subject continued, with the same view . 167
XXVII. The subject continued, with the same view . 172
XXVIII. The same subject continued .

177
XXIX. Concerning the militia.

182
XXX. Concerning taxation.

189
XXXI, The same subject continued

195
XXXII. The same subject continued

201
XXXIII, The same subject continued

206
XXXIV. The same subject continued

211
XXXV. The same subject continued

218
XXXVI. The same subject continued

225
XXXVII. Concerning the difficulties which the conven-

tion must have experienced in the forma-
tion of a proper plan..

234
XXXVIII. The subject continued, and the incoherence

of the objections to the plan exposed . . . 243
XXXIX. The conformity of the plan to republican prin-

ciples: an objection in respect to the pow-
ers of the convention, examined

253
XL. The same objection further examined 261
XLI, General view of the powers proposed to be vest-
ed in the union .

263
XLII. The same view continued

274
XLIII. The same view continued .

283
XLIV. The same view continued and concluded 294
XLV. A further discussion of the supposed danger

from the powers of the union to the state
governments .

303
XLVI. The subject of the last paper resumed; with an

examination of the comparative means of
influence of the federal and state govern-
merts

310

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THE

THE FEDERALIST.

NUMBER 1.

INTRODUCTION.

After full experience of the insufficiency of the existing Federal Government, you are invited to deliberate upon a new Constitution for the United States of America.

The subject speaks its own importance ; comprehending in its consequences, nothing less than the existence of the UNION—the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed the fate of an empire, in many respects, the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked, that, it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, to decide by their conduct and example, the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are for ever destined to depend, for their political constitutions, on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis, at which we are arrived, may with propriety be regarded as the period when that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act, may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.

This idea, by adding the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, will heighten the solicitude, which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, uninfluenced by considerations foreign to the public good. But this is more ardently to be wished for, than seriously to be expected. The plan offer

ed

VOL. I.

B

ed to our deliberations, affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects extraneous to its merits ; and of views, passions, and prejudices, little favourable to the discovery of truth.

Among the most formidable of the obstacles, which the new constitution will have to encounter, may readily be dise tinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every state, to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence, of the offices they hold under the state establishments: and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies, than from its union under one government.

It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men into interested or ambitious views, merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion. Candour will oblige us to admit, that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted, that much of the opposition which has already shown itself, or that may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable—the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed, and so powerful are the causes, which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions, of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would always furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are engaged in any controversy, however well persuaded of being in the right. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection, that we are

not

not always sure, that those who advocate the truth are actuated by purer principles than their antagonists. · Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives, not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support, as upon those who oppose, the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more illjudged than that intolerant spirit, which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For, in politics as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.

And yet, just as these sentiments must appear to candid men, we have already sufficient indications, that it will happen in this, as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude, that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts, by the loudness of their declamations, and by the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government, will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of power, and hostile to the principles of liberty. An overscrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretence and artifice; the stale bait for popularity at the expense of public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of violent love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is too apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten, that the vigour of government is essential to the security of liberty ; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well informed judgment, their interests can never be separated ; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks be

hind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, than under the forbidding appearances of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us, that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter; and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career, by paying an obsequious court to the people, commencing demagogues and ending tyrants.

In the course of the preceding observations it has been my aim, fellow citizens, to put you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your

decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you, that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion, it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced, that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves, which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation, when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast: my arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit, which will not disgrace the cause of truth.

I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars... The utility of the UNION to your political prosperity... The insuficiency of the present confederation to preserve that Union... The necessity of a government,

at

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