a copy of this alliance hereto annexed to be made generally known, and "read in all the churches."

"In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity.

"Their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, having, in consequence of the great events which have marked the course of the three last years in Europe, and especially of the blessings which it has pleased Divine Providence to shower down upon those states which place their confidence and their hope on IT alone, acquired the intimate conviction of the necessity of founding the conduct to be observed by the powers in their reciprocal relations upon the sublime truths which the holy religion of our Saviour teaches

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They solemnly declare that the present act has no other object than to publish, in the face of the whole world, their fixed resolution, both in the administration of their respective states, and in their political relations with every other government, to take for their sole guide the precepts of that holy religion, namely, the precepts of justice, Christian charity, and peace, which, far from being applicable only to private concerns, must have an immediate influence on the councils of princes, and guide all their steps, as being the only means of consolidating human institutions, and remedying their imperfections. In consequence their Majesties have agreed on the following articles:

"Art. I. Conformably to the words of the Holy Scriptures, which command all men to consider each other as brethren, the three contracting Monarchs will remain united by the bonds of a true and indissoluble fraternity; and considering each other as fellow-countrymen, they will on all occasions, and in

all places, lend each other aid and assistance; and regarding themselves towards their subjects and armies as fathers of families, they will lead them, in the same spirit of fraternity with which they are animated to protect religion, peace, and justice.*

"Art. II. In consequence, the sole principle in force, whether between the said governments or between their subjects, shall be that of doing each other reciprocal service, and of testifying, by unalterable good will, the mutual affection with which they ought to be animated, to consider themselves all as members of one and the same Christian nation, the three allied princes looking on themselves as merely delegated by Providence to govern three branches of the one family, namely, Austria, Prussia, and Russia; thus confessing that the Christian world, of which they and their people form a part, has, in reality, no other sovereign than him to whom alone power really belongs, because in him alone are found all the treasures of love, science, and infinite wisdom, that is to say, God, our Divine Saviour, the Word of the Most High, the Word of Life. Their Majesties consequently recommend to their people, with the most tender solicitude, as the sole means of enjoying that peace which arises from a good conscience, and which alone is durable, to strengthen themselves every day more and more in the principles and exercise of the duties which the Divine Saviour has taught to mankind.

"Art. III. All the powers who shall choose solemnly to avow the sacred principles which have dictated the present act, and shall acknowledge how im

* The Polish nobles formerly drew their swords when they turned to the altar to repeat the Creed, in testimony that they were ready to DEFEND their faith at the risk of their lives.

portant it is for the happiness of nations, too long agitated, that these truths should henceforth exercise over the destinies of mankind all the influence which belongs to them, will be received with equal ardour and affection into this holy alliance.

"Done in triplicate, and signed at Paris, the year of grace, 1815, 14th (26th) September.

Done at St. Petersburg, the day of the birth of our Saviour, the 25th of December, 1815."

Having now traced, perhaps at too great length, the conclusions to be derived from the application of the fourth fundamental proposition of this treatise as far as religion is concerned, we will proceed to a few brief remarks upon the department of morals. The general argument is here of course very similar to that which has just been submitted to the reader. If the happiness to be derived from the influence of morality be in proportion to the extent of that influence, the statesman cannot rest satisfied barely with that degree of it which may be just sufficient to preserve the state from convulsions: but he will aspire after that which shall at least exonerate every public law of the state from the reproach of tempting the people to immoral conduct. In England for example, although our laws are certainly constructed upon the general basis of moral principle, and are sufficiently so to secure a fair competence of public happiness and prosperity, yet I think that no candid philanhropist or statesman will hesitate in admitting, that

both the people's comfort and the state's security would be advanced by still referring some of our laws to the test of moral expediency derived from its

true source.

If that law, which precludes three fourths of the consumers of game from acquiring it in any other manner except by the corruption of all morals, and the destruction of all regular habits in a great portion of our most valuable population, were altered so as to preclude these consequences, doubtless both the peace, comfort, and prosperity of the country would receive a material accession.

Again, if that desirable mixture of all the educated ranks and professions, which fills the benches of the House of Commons, could be there collected without something like a necessary corruption of a large class of the people, without temptations to falsehood, perjury, and a long train of subordinate crimes; there is no question but that it would be a considerable improvement in policy: there would be many more honest and industrious subjects; and enlightened gentlemen would themselves feel their own consciences upon certain subjects a little more at ease.

That both these political and moral objects might be attained with considerable facility and without serious danger I verily believe, as well as that a contemplation of the evils in their present state, and in a moral point of view, must infuse an ardent desire to attempt the remedy into the mind of every truly British statesman.

These few remarks are sufficient, in addition to what is scattered throughout the whole of this treatise, to illustrate the moral application of the proposition at the head of this chapter. I trust that they are sufficient to convince the reader that any

political hypothesis which can be shown to lead to immoral consequences must be either false or inexpedient. If it be conversant with the essential nature of the principles, it must be false; for nothing can be essentially true which is essentially immoral, that is, contrary to the express will of God. If the hypothesis be exterior to the essential nature of the principles, and conversant only with their special application, it must be inexpedient, that is, unsafe to act upon; because the disorder introduced by its immoral consequences will ultimately much more affect the liberty and security which are necessary to the free operation of the principles, than can be compensated by any immediate or apparent advantage held out by the hypothesis.

Being then, as I trust, agreed upon these great and leading principles, we will now proceed to the remaining topics of this chapter, viz. rational liberty and security of property.

It is superfluous to remind the reader, that the liberty here contended for is simply a perfect freedom from the interference either of an oppressive government or of a licentious people, in the pursuit of just, good, and legitimate objects by individuals; and that the security of property intended throughout this treatise involves not only an abstinence from illegal exactions in the government, but also full security from the laws and the habits of the people, that neither they nor the government shall interfere with the free and equitable disposition of private property. salutary tendency of population at once to keep within the remaining powers of the soil to afford subsistence, and also to give a continual impulse to the further progress of society, has been made to depend throughout my whole argument upon the spontaneous distribu

The