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evidently been framed with a view to their consumption as food. But taking into view the higher destiny of man, the rational as well as the sensual part of his nature, Providence seems to have afforded full security against every danger, in the spontaneous operations of the human will, where they are not materially interfered with by bad government or evil customs, or vitiated by an extraordinary relaxation of morals: that is to say, wherever an ordinary degree of attention is paid to the express commands of the Creator. This I say would be a comfortable discovery, because it would exceedingly simplify the duties of the politician. Instead of wandering through a maze of intricate problems, uncertain as the capricious nature of the beings it is his object to control, his march would be directed to a few simple points, plainly marked out by an unerring Guide: and what is still better, certain though not complete success would attend his career:-for although Providence does in no instance hold out a prospect of perfect success in the pursuit of moral objects, yet it is reasonable to infer that the happiness of mankind will be proportioned to the earnestness of the pursuit, and the degree of the attainment.

On whatever side of these conflicting opinions the truth may ultimately be found to rest, one thing seems very clear-that until we have ascertained the truth we are working in the dark, and may probably counteract our common object, the happiness and welfare of mankind, by the very means we adopt to promote it. Moreover, if we reflect upon the extreme importance of the subject, that it involves nothing less than the very foundations of the moral and political welfare of the whole community of nations as

well as of individuals, we must admit that a grave responsibility is incurred by wilful ignorance or apathy concerning it. It is the glory of this free country that our institutions rest upon the secure basis of candid inquiry and free discussion. It is the glory of such a system that, notwithstanding the ignorance, the prejudices, and the self-interest of mankind, and the mischiefs introduced among them by false but plausible reasoning, truth will ultimately prevail. I am very far, however, from suggesting this circumstance as even a palliation of wilful indulgence in false or superficial reasoning on important matters of policy. A profligate perversion of the mental powers in a pretended pursuit of truth is even more disgraceful than gross and wilful ignorance; and is by no means to be excused by the consideration that the deceit will ultimately be discovered, and further evil prevented, after it has served the purposes of the deceiver. It is not, therefore, without long and anxious consideration, that I have ventured to lay before the public the whole of the system embraced in the following pages. But being upon the whole conscientiously convinced, not only of the truth of my hypothesis, but of it's great importance to the moral and political welfare of my countrymen and of mankind, I now venture to submit it to their judgment. This conviction has been strengthened by a perusal of what has been advanced during the past five or six years in support of the opposite system. I believe my view of the subject to be in a great degree original; and under these circumstances I feel bound to state it in a manner as plain and as strong as that in which I view it: and my confidence in the success of the statement

is weakened only by an unfeigned diffidence of my own ability to do it full justice. Having nothing in view but the discovery of truth, I deprecate no observations which my statement may call forth, except such as may superciliously condemn the argument without answering it. Let it be remembered that differences of opinion on such a subject do not involve a mere contest for victory on a question purely literary, but are conversant with the highest interests of man; that the subject is in itself difficult from the range over which the reasoning extends, and the depth from which much of it is drawn. To mix up with it therefore the petty interests of literary vanity instead of meeting it with honest argument, and, where necessary, with fair concession, would be not less absurd or unprincipled than if the congress of European powers had held its deliberations for the restoration of public justice and tranquillity in Europe amidst criticisms on the notes of Haydn, or in the intervals of a German waltz.

CHAPTER II.

Statement of the Opinions lately promulgated on the Principle of Population.

A SHORT statement of the opinions lately received on the principle of population, with their obvious consequences, will best prepare the reader's mind for the due reception and comprehension of the principles about to be developed in this treatise. A more eligible mode of effecting this object can scarcely be adopted, than by a brief statement of the general principles contained in the two first chapters of Mr. Malthus's well known Essay on the Principle of Population. He is deservedly considered as the father of what may be called the new system; and the practical inferences drawn from his theory by others, rather than by himself, first drew my attention to the subject. He has indeed introduced various modifications of his own original inferences in his several editions, and explanations which amount in some cases to little less than a direct retraction. And no caution appears more necessary to the readers of Mr. Malthus's Essay, than that of carefully distinguishing between the practical measures ultimately recommended, and those obviously deducible from the principles laid down. An insight will thus be acquired, not only into the nature of the principles themselves, but, I am happy to think, also into the amiable disposition and enlightened humanity of their

author.

But to return to the principles themselves.

Population in very favourable circumstances (in the newly settled countries of America for example) has been found to double itself every twenty-five years that rate, therefore is assumed to be (at the least) its natural rate of increase, which might go on ad infinitum, if interrupted by no checks. But it is evident that the increase of food, (land being an absolute quantity;) could by no methods be augmented to such an indefinite extent. It might possibly double itself for once in twenty-five years, while the best lands remained uncultivated; but so far from following up this ratio of increase in subsequent periods, it cannot even be supposed possible that its produce could be augmented even in the simple ratio of its original quantity.

"The necessary effects of these two different rates of increase" (says Mr. Malthus, and I beg the reader to bear the passage in mind), "when brought together, will be very striking. Let us call the population of this island eleven millions, and suppose the present produce equal to the easy support of such a number. In the first twenty-five years the population would be twenty-two millions, and the food being also doubled, the means of subsistence would be equal to this increase. In the next twenty-five years the population would be forty-four millions; and the means of subsistence only equal to the support of thirty-three millions. In the next period the population would be eighty-eight millions, and the means of subsistence just equal to the support of half that number. And at the conclusion of the first century the population would be 176 millions, and the means of subsistence only equal to the support of fifty-five millions, leaving a population of 121 millions totally unprovided for."

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