holding freemen, including those of the South, upon whose welfare slavery is an oppression, will discover that the power of the General Government over the public lands may be beneficially exerted to advance their interests and secure their independence. Knowing this, their suffrages will not be wanting to maintain that authority in the Union, which is absolutely essential to the maintenance of their own liberties, and which has more than once indicated the purpose of disposing of the public lands in such a way as would make every settler upon them a freeholder.

If the people entrust to me the administration of the Government, the laws of Congress in relation to the Territories will be faithfully executed. All its authority will be exerted in aid of the National will to re-establish the peace of the country, on the just principles which have heretofore received the sanction of the Federal Government, of the States, and of the people of both sections. Such a policy would leave no aliment to that sectional party which seeks its aggrandisement by appropriating the new territories to capital in the form of slavery, but would inevitably result in the triumph of free labor, the natural capital which constitutes the real wealth of this great country, and creates that intelligent power in the masses alone to be relied on as the bulwark of free institutions.

Trusting that I have a heart capable of comprehending our whole country with its varied interests, and confident that patriotism exists in all parts of the Union, I accept the nomination of your Convention in the hope that I may be enabled to serve usefully its cause, which I consider the cause of Constitutional Freedom.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

J. C. FREMONT.

To Henry S. Lane, President of the Convention.

JUDGE DAYTON'S LETTER OF ACCEPT

ANCE.

TRENTON, N. J., July 7, 1856.

Gentlemen-I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter informing me that, at a Convention of Delegates, recently assembled in Philadelphia, I was unanimously nominated as their candidate for the Vice Presidency of the United States, and requesting my acceptance of such nomination.

For the distinguished honor thus conferred, be pleased to accept for yourselves and in behalf of the Convention you represent, my sincere thanks.

I have only to add, that having carefully examined the resolutions adopted in that Convention, as indicating the principles by which it was governed, I find them, in their general features, such as have heretofore had my hearty support. My opinions and votes against the extension of slavery into free territory, are of record and well known. Upon that record I am willing to stand. Certainly nothing has since occurred which would tend to modify my opinions previously expressed upon that subject. On the contrary, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise (that greatest wrong, portentous of mischief,) but adds strength to the conviction, that these constant encroachments must be calmly, but firmly, met;—that this repealing Act should be itself repealed, or remedied by every just and constitutional means in our power.

I very much deprecate all sectional issues. I have not been in the past, nor shall I be in the future, instrumental in fostering such issues. But the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and, as a consequence, the extension of slavery, are no issues raised by us; they are issues forced upon us, and we act but in self-defence when we repel them. That section of the country which presents these issues is responsible for them; and it is this sectionalism which has subverted past compromises, and now seeks to force slavery into Kanzas. In reference to other subjects

treated of in the resolutions of the Convention, I find no general principle or rule of political conduct to which I cannot and do not yield a cordial assent. But while thus expressing a general concurrence in the views of the Convention, I cannot but remember that the Constitution gives to the Vice President little power in matters of general legislation; that he has not even a vote except in special cases; and that his rights and duties as prescribed in that instrument are limited to presiding over the Senate of the United States. Should I be elected to that high office, it will be my pleasure, as it will be my duty, to conduct, so far as I can, the business of that body in such a manner as will best comport with its own dignity; in strict accordance with its own rules, and with a just and courteous regard to the equal rights and privileges of all its members.

Accepting the nomination tendered through you, as I am, gentlemen,

I now do,

Very respectfully yours,

WM. L. DAYTON.

To Henry S. Lane, President of the Convention.

THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE.

The following admirable parallelism between WASHINGTON, the father of his country, and FREMONT, the finder and preserver of Republics, we copy from the New York Independent.

As our readers well know, we were not of the number of those who urged most strenuously the selection of Colonel Fremont by the Convention at Philadelphia, as the standard-bearer, in the great political campaign which is now upon us, of those principles of justice, humanity, and liberty to which our earnest adherence is given. While highly appreciating, and heartily admiring, the noble and signal qualities of this gentleman, we felt a desire that if possible some well-tried Captain in the ranks, which so long have stood unconquered for the Right, should be selected to lead them to the victory which is now, we trust and believe. before them. But since this selection has been made, we are led most clearly to recognize in it the good hand of God; and to feel, as we almost never have felt hitherto, that Providence has raised up, has endowed, and has trained this workman for his office, the Man for the Hour. If the election in November shall result, as we are well persuaded (32)