Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern Nations to the Close of the American Revolution, Volum 2J. and J.J. Deighton, 1840 - 494 sider |
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Side 26
... to interfere and control the executive power was acknowledged in either case . In argument , however , the exclusionists had the advantage over those who were contented with limitations , because their 26 LECTURE XIX .
... to interfere and control the executive power was acknowledged in either case . In argument , however , the exclusionists had the advantage over those who were contented with limitations , because their 26 LECTURE XIX .
Side 71
... executive administration of the government , when every other expedient could only have served to renew the designs and power of James and Louis , and must have ulti- mately ended in the ruin of the civil and religious liberties of ...
... executive administration of the government , when every other expedient could only have served to renew the designs and power of James and Louis , and must have ulti- mately ended in the ruin of the civil and religious liberties of ...
Side 72
... executive power , and even of the crown itself , was exercised and admitted . Thirdly , Before the crown was conferred , as a preliminary part of the ceremony , the opportunity was taken , which had not been taken at the Restoration ...
... executive power , and even of the crown itself , was exercised and admitted . Thirdly , Before the crown was conferred , as a preliminary part of the ceremony , the opportunity was taken , which had not been taken at the Restoration ...
Side 115
... into its own hands , or rather to leave the executive magistrate to do so . It was therefore , with us , at first regulated by the king's proclama- tions , prohibitions , charters of privilege and licence , WILLIAM III . 115.
... into its own hands , or rather to leave the executive magistrate to do so . It was therefore , with us , at first regulated by the king's proclama- tions , prohibitions , charters of privilege and licence , WILLIAM III . 115.
Side 127
... executive magistrate of the realm , had to bear the expenses of the state by means of his own funds and the supplies he could extract from his parliaments , the welfare of the realm was not only too immediately affected by the nature of ...
... executive magistrate of the realm , had to bear the expenses of the state by means of his own funds and the supplies he could extract from his parliaments , the welfare of the realm was not only too immediately affected by the nature of ...
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Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern ..., Volum 2 William Smyth Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1854 |
Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern ..., Volum 2 William Smyth Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1854 |
Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern Nation to the ... William Smyth Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1840 |
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afterwards alluded America appear army bill Britain Burke cause character Charles Charles II Church of England civil and religious colonies consequence considered constitution contest court Coxe crown debates declaration Duke endeavour England English Europe executive government favour France Frederic French honour House of Bourbon House of Commons human important instance interest James king kingdom labour laws lecture letters Lord Lord Bolingbroke Lord Chatham Lord North Louis mankind manner Maria Theresa means measures ment merit mind ministers Mirabeau monarch nation nature never observe occasion opinions paper parliament particular party patriots peace political prince principles proper queen question reader reason reign religious liberties resistance respect Revolution says Scotland seems sentiments Septennial Bill Sir Robert Walpole sovereign speeches spirit Stamp Act statesmen success sufficiently supposed taxes thing thought throne tion Tories Whigs whole William wish
Populære avsnitt
Side 489 - Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue?
Side 397 - Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond, which originally made, and must still preserve, the unity of the empire.
Side 489 - Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name...
Side 466 - And let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man, who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood.
Side 395 - ... in order to prove that the Americans have no right to their liberties, we are every day endeavoring to subvert the maxims which preserve the whole spirit of our own. To prove that the Americans ought not to be free, we are obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself; and we never seem to gain a paltry advantage over them in debate, without attacking some of those principles, or deriding some of those feelings, for which our ancestors have shed their blood.
Side 415 - For never can true reconcilement grow Where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep...
Side 369 - I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest.
Side 371 - House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it.
Side 187 - I shall therefore venture to acknowledge, that, not only as a man, but as a British subject, I pray for the flourishing commerce of Germany, Spain, Italy, and even France itself. I am at least certain that Great Britain, and all those nations, would flourish more, did their sovereigns and ministers adopt such enlarged and benevolent sentiments towards each other.
Side 396 - My hold of the colonies is in the close affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection. These are ties which, though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your government; they will cling and grapple to you, and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it...