Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern Nations to the Close of the American Revolution, Volum 2J. and J.J. Deighton, 1840 - 494 sider |
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Side 2
... force , or losing them for ever . We now proceed to the history of the reign . The first parliament , the convention or restoration parliament , was soon dissolved , and a new and regular parliament was imme- diately summoned , and met ...
... force , or losing them for ever . We now proceed to the history of the reign . The first parliament , the convention or restoration parliament , was soon dissolved , and a new and regular parliament was imme- diately summoned , and met ...
Side 17
... force what we cannot by mildness . " ( 80 ) . We have next notifications from the French ambassador to Louis , of the manner in which he had disposed of what he calls " the marks of the king's esteem and distinction ; " i . e . the ...
... force what we cannot by mildness . " ( 80 ) . We have next notifications from the French ambassador to Louis , of the manner in which he had disposed of what he calls " the marks of the king's esteem and distinction ; " i . e . the ...
Side 19
... force became requisite . Here then was a crisis truly awful ; and as the connexion between the French court and Charles could not but have been observed ( for the arms of England were visibly combined in the most unnatural manner , with ...
... force became requisite . Here then was a crisis truly awful ; and as the connexion between the French court and Charles could not but have been observed ( for the arms of England were visibly combined in the most unnatural manner , with ...
Side 30
... force ; an insurrection which was only called for by the rabble in London - force , which can never be justified , even with right , but under the strongest assurance of success . And in this manner are we conducted to the last ...
... force ; an insurrection which was only called for by the rabble in London - force , which can never be justified , even with right , but under the strongest assurance of success . And in this manner are we conducted to the last ...
Side 34
... force , and by necessitating them so often to dispense with the ordinary suggestions of sym- pathy and justice . But this is peculiarly the effect of civil wars , where the moral obligations , before the contest , have been more ...
... force , and by necessitating them so often to dispense with the ordinary suggestions of sym- pathy and justice . But this is peculiarly the effect of civil wars , where the moral obligations , before the contest , have been more ...
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Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern ..., Volum 2 William Smyth Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1854 |
Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern ..., Volum 2 William Smyth Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1854 |
Lectures on Modern History: From the Irruption of the Northern Nation to the ... William Smyth Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1840 |
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afterwards alluded America appear army bill Britain Burke cause character Charles Charles II Church of England civil and religious colonies consequence considered constitution contest court Coxe crown debates declaration Duke endeavour England English Europe executive government favour France Frederic French honour House of Bourbon House of Commons human important instance interest James king kingdom labour laws lecture letters Lord Lord Bolingbroke Lord Chatham Lord North Louis mankind manner Maria Theresa means measures ment merit mind ministers Mirabeau monarch nation nature never observe occasion opinions paper parliament particular party patriots peace political prince principles proper queen question reader reason reign religious liberties resistance respect Revolution says Scotland seems sentiments Septennial Bill Sir Robert Walpole sovereign speeches spirit Stamp Act statesmen success sufficiently supposed taxes thing thought throne tion Tories Whigs whole William wish
Populære avsnitt
Side 489 - Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue?
Side 397 - Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond, which originally made, and must still preserve, the unity of the empire.
Side 489 - Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name...
Side 466 - And let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man, who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood.
Side 395 - ... in order to prove that the Americans have no right to their liberties, we are every day endeavoring to subvert the maxims which preserve the whole spirit of our own. To prove that the Americans ought not to be free, we are obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself; and we never seem to gain a paltry advantage over them in debate, without attacking some of those principles, or deriding some of those feelings, for which our ancestors have shed their blood.
Side 415 - For never can true reconcilement grow Where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep...
Side 369 - I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest.
Side 371 - House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it.
Side 187 - I shall therefore venture to acknowledge, that, not only as a man, but as a British subject, I pray for the flourishing commerce of Germany, Spain, Italy, and even France itself. I am at least certain that Great Britain, and all those nations, would flourish more, did their sovereigns and ministers adopt such enlarged and benevolent sentiments towards each other.
Side 396 - My hold of the colonies is in the close affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection. These are ties which, though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your government; they will cling and grapple to you, and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it...