sion of democracy; and he soon afterwards fifth volume having appeared shortly before took his seat in the Frankfort Parliament, as his death. His literary pursuits having been the foremost and most eminent champion of invidiously mentioned to account for his as"Constitutionalism." sumed failure in State-craft, it was replied, in In April, 1849, when a reactionary move-a brief biographical notice of him which apment was obviously in progress, and when there peared in our columns on January 2, 1851, seemed a fair chance of striking an equal bal- that Metternich, although guiltless of a book, ance between the two extreme parties, Rado- had been equally unfortunate towards the end witz was induced to return to Berlin, and to of his career, and that it is no easy task to undertake the exposition of the modified sys- decide how far the mishaps of a Guizot, or a tem of policy, foreign and domestic, which the Radowitz, are attributable to circumstances King had long desired, and then conceived it which they could neither control nor foresee. possible, to enforce and carry out. Rado- In a letter addressed to the writer the day fol witz's speech in developing that policy, on the lowing, Radowitz, then in London, writes thus: 25th of August in the same year, in the Se- -"Čes réflexions avec lesquelles vous finissez cond Prussian Chamber, is admitted on all votre article, sont à très peu près les mêmes hands to have been, not only a masterly dis- qui se sont présentés à moi lors de la revue play of knowledge and statesmanship, but a retrospective que j'ai faite le dernier jour de great oratorical triumph; and thenceforth, un- l'an. J'ai dû en faire une application toute til the memorable struggle with Austria in personnelle. Triste du mal que je prevois, imNovember, 1850- which ended in his final puissant pour le bien que je desire, je vouretirement from political life - he was virtu- drais finir par un peu de repos une vie que je ally Prime Minister of Prussia. We cannot n'ai point epargnée, mais que je n'ai pu renhere dwell upon the startling features of that dre utile. Ces temps actuels sont difficiles · exciting epoch, when the two mighty rivals je dois dire plus, ils sont impossibles." were on the point of bringing their claims to the It is much to be feared that the train of bloody arbitrament of a pitched battle in feeling to which he thus gave vent was someHesse, with the rest of Europe for spectators, thing more than the transient emanation of a and the dictatorship of Germany for the prize. melancholy hour-that, too frequently inBut we must observe, for the information dulged, it weighed upon his spirits, underminboth of contemporary commentators and fu- ed his strength, and rendered him powerless to ture historians, that it was the menacing atti- bear up against the illness which terminated tude of Russia in the background, not fear of the in his decease. Yet how true are the conresults of a single handed conflict with Austria, cluding reflections, and how precisely applicathat induced Prussia to recede; and we may add ble to the times in which we are still living, that Lord Palmerston, in the prudent course on the eve of a "happy new year!" Bring which he pursued throughout that crisis- n- all the wisest statesmen of Europe together in stead of sustaining his mythical Continental one room, and is there one of them who would reputation, and tilting Quixote-like against the not be tempted to exclaim with Radowitz, giants (or windmills) of absolutism - appears against the difficulty, if not impossibility, of to have been exclusively guided by consider- any safe, honorable, and speedy extrication ations of expediency, and to have acted with from the present world-wide entanglement of eminent coolness, caution, and sagacity. cross purposes and crooked answers-this misGeneral Von Radowitz was married in 1832 chievous product of criminal ambition, misto Marie, née Countess de Voss- a beautiful, placed confidence, factious intrigue, blind preamiable, and accomplished woman, who sur- judice, and blundering diplomacy? Then vives him. He was the idol of his family cir- what is the obvious moral? Surely, that cancle, and many of our English readers are dor and forbearance are more needed than aware of the highly favorable impression left carping ingenuity that it is better to proof his conversational powers in the literary vide effectively for the future than to dwell and fashionable world of London, during the invidiously upon the past; and that all rivalry short visit which he paid to this country about and jealousy should be forgotten or suppressthree years since. He was also eminently ed on all sides in the common eagerness to distinguished as an author on a great variety preserve unimpaired the well-being of the of subjects; and a complete edition of his Empire and the honor of the Crown. works is now in process of publication, the M. Van Nouhys, one of the most distinguishcd writers of Holland, died lately at Amsterdam. One of his works was the historical romance of L'Armurier et son Fils. The construction of the Panama Railway is pushed forward vigorously. The last advices state that 1700 men were at work upon it, and two ship-loads of Irish laborers were expected. From The Spectator, 31 Dec. just an occasion, and for which all its cost and SETTLEMENT BETWEEN RUSSIA AND bloodshed would scarcely be too high a price; an EUROPE. abrogation which would be the fitting penalty to inflict on Russia for her misconduct, and the fitting indemnity for Turkey, to demand and to obtain for the unwarrantable occupation of her territories. vexatious action, Russia should be made to As the party which has wantonly brought a the consequences of resisting an unjust attack; pay the costs — to indemnify Turkey for all and no form of indemnity could be so good as that which secured Turkey against similar aggression for the future. As the Economist says, England cannot actually lend her aid to which renders him liable to a perpetual repereplace her injured ally in that fatal position tition of the wrong," by a renewed abuse of the treaty stipulations. And independently of these considerations, the very events of the year have proved that the relations between Russia and Turkey are such as to provoke breaches of the order of Europe, instead of securing it. On every ground, therefore, it is necessary that the treaty relations of the two countries should be reduced to a more rational A BROAD line must be drawn not only between the quarrel which Russia has been carrying on against Turkey, and the much more serious account which Russia owes to Europe, but also between the claims of either side as they have hitherto been discussed, and the grounds on which a settlement must be sought henceforward. So long as the contest was only between Russia advancing untenable demands and Turkey resisting those demands, the question of the Holy Places or of patronizing Orthodox Greek Christians might be discussed on the basis of old treaties; but as soon as Russia endeavored to take the judg ment and the award into her own hands, it became evident that she had vitiated her case, and that a mere permission for her to retreat would not satisfy either justice or policy. It has long been our opinion that Russia could not be permitted to resume the status quo; but that after the termination of the present conflict the relations which Russia bears to the conterminous state must be placed upon a bet-condition. It is satisfactory to see that the ter footing. We are glad to see that the same third condition on which Turkey now consents view has been supported by the Economist; to negotiate the non-renewal of the treaties and our contemporary supplies one very exraises this question of an ulterior settlecellent argument for taking this opportunity of revising the relations of Russia to the important tract of country under the rule of Turkey. ment. The occasion not only affords the oppor tunity for realizing some of the benefits said to be secured under international law, but its If we are parties to reestablishing peace by the inevitable tendency is to place international restoration of previously existing treaties, we law itself upon a much sounder basis than it shall be guilty and blind to an almost incredible has hitherto stood upon. It is a common obdegree. Why, it is these very treaties which ject of treaties to secure the free navigation have given to Russia perpetual pretexts for in-of every great river for the advantage of the terference in Turkish internal affairs-which have made the connection between the two coun- for those other nations which seek it as a highinhabitants which reside upon its banks, and tries one chronic irritation - which have enabled Russia to undermine, to weaken, to disor- way of commerce. Professedly, the Danube ganize, to madden Turkey-which she looks to is thus secured; but in fact it has been closed and relies on for enabling her gradually to de- by the malignant neglect of Russia. The exstroy and absorb that unhappy power. It is un- pediency of the object is not only admitted der these very treaties that she has been enabled in most countries, but the admission is formto ruin and control the navigation of the Dan-ally recorded in treaties; and in arranging ube, to rob English merchants, and to sap the for the settlement of the present dispute, it is sources of Bulgarian and Wallachian prosperity.* desirable that the great water highway of the It is under these very treaties that she is now Danube should no longer be intrusted to the crushing the liberties and destroying the peace and property of those wretched Principalities. It treacherous mismanagement of its professed is under these very treaties that she is empower- curator, but should be thrown open in fact as ed to exclude all other ships of war from the well as in law. All commercial countries have a Black Sea, and thus to operate there uncontroll- common interest in securing that object; but ed. It is these very treaties, the abrogation of besides the advantages accruing to commerce, which (not their maintenance') England ought there is a political guarantee in a free commost vehemently to insist upon; an abrogation munication between the several countries of for which the present war offers so admirable and Europe. If Austria, Hungary, Servia, Wal*The navigation of the Danube, its present lachia, Bulgaria, and Moldavia, be kept open condition, and the gross breach of compact which for intercourse with England, France, AmeriRussia perpetrated when she permitted the accu- ca, Holland, and the many commercial counmulation of mud at the Sulina mouth, were ex- tries which are sure to seek that highway, a plained in the Spectator of 27th August, in a paper great safeguard is attained against a monopoly at page 832. of power by any one state, or against that to enfore the common verdict of Europe on a closing of whole tracts of the Continent by point of international law. If the Four the will of a crowned individual. Powers or the Western Powers arrest Russia, it is, in the first instance, not upon the merits of her quarrel with Turkey, but upon the ground that she is breaking the peace and taking the law into her own hands, and that she is to be prevented from so doing. When once she is brought into court, indeed, the merits of the case upon which she has acted thus unlawfully will come under consideration; and it is to be expected that the court will make such an award as shall prevent the repetition of the offence, coupled with a virtual indemnity of the injured party. But the primary and paramount object is to secure respect for the opinion and common law of Europe. In exacting these concessions from Russia, the Powers intrusted with the settlement of the dispute would be enforcing no retributive humiliation, which has been thought to be the privilege of the victorious party. Nothing would be taken from Russia for the sake of destroying her or humiliating her; nothing which she has not abused to the injury of her neighbors, of commerce, and of Europe. In this respect, indeed, the war which is about to commence wholly differs from any that has preceded it. It is not a war of conquest or retaliation; it is not a war even to subdue one dangerous power for the security of the rest; in short, it is not a war for the sake of victory, but one entirely for the sake of order, as that Incidentally, another fundamental and imporis understood by the majority of the European tant principle has been introduced and recogPowers. The security of order and of peace nized. In the settlement of the quarrel, it is has often been professed as the object of such argued, regard must be had not only to the incontests, because in manifestos and diplomatic dependence of the Ottoman empire, but also records it is customary to give the objects of to the just rights of the Greek subjects of Tur aggressors or retaliators as fine a name as pos- key. The common opinion, therefore, which sible; but the war to put down Napoleon was checks the individual presumption of Russia, mingled with dynastic objects and purposes of distinctly recognizes the rights of peoples, and conquest, to say nothing of the blind prejudice renders that a subject which may be enterwith which that great adventurer was assailed tained by the court. This is a most important in many cases by men inferior to himself. principle: for we may recollect that the Greek The present war is carried against Russia subjects of Turkey are not the only races who solely to execute the award of the common are oppressed who are made to undergo inopinion of Europe. We have the very best tolerance and practical injustice, social as well of tests that the decision is the common opin- as political. On the contrary, there are other ion of Europe; for the main conditions which races subject to still more wrongful treatment; are to be enforced upon Russia have received and if states rush into court, it is well that the assent of Austria, France, England, and they should understand their liability to be Prussia-states entirely differing in their called to account for their treatment of their own individual interests, differing in their subjects. In short, the common law of Eupolitical views, differing in their rela- rope has begun to recognize the rights of peotions with Russia, and agreeing only in the ples as well as of sovereign powers. The recog very broadest principles which it has been thought necessary to guarantee. Even if Austria should lack the courage to enforce this award, she has already given to the award her deliberate sanction. It is a war, therefore, Important as they are, the principles which wholly and solely to secure that which all the are thus attaining to recognition must congreat Powers have agreed to consider just and cede to another of still more commanding imessential to the order and peace of Europe: it portance. The present war, we say, was instihas no further object whatever. The very tuted to execute the award of the common purpose of such a war is an innovation in the opinion of Europe, as opposed to an individuhistory of warfare and of international law. al state taking the law into its own hands. It Indeed, it is the first step to the recognition of is desirable for the stability of thrones, as well any common law worth calling by the name. as for the constitutional liberty of peoples, The primary object of the war is, not to estab- that this consent to sustain the common law lish the rights of Turkey; not to judge the should receive as broad a support as possible: question between Russia and the Ottoman for it is indeed the protection of all constitutempire; but to confirm this great first princi- ed authority, as well as of social freedom. ple of social order—that the individual shall Hitherto, doctrine and policy have been dicnot take the law into his own hands. We tated by the most powerful; intelligence and have already established that rule in the muni- conscientious opinion have repeatedly been cipal law; it is for the first time distinctly re- sacrificed to that dictate. The present operacognized in the basis of the present attempt tions of Russia proceed entirely upon the old nition was inevitable; it might long since have been foreseen; but the circumstances of Turkey bring the recognition to a practical point. fashion of coercing other states into an alliance to standing by him; and hitherto, the minor against their likings if not against their con- states of Europe, if not those of the first rank, victions. Notwithstanding her diplomatic clev- have even been obliged to sacrifice their own erness, Russia is by no means a fair type of clear perception and their conscience to their European intelligence or honesty: for there policy or their fear. Let the principle and are many other states which would be called of practice be established, that the individual less importance, but in which knowledge, cul- shall not be suffered to dictate, but that the tivated understanding, moral uprightness, and Powers of Europe will unite to sustain the respect for humanity, stand higher. It would common law of Europe, and every state would be unjust to Belgium, Prussia, Saxony or be released from this species of coercion. In France, if they were rated at the level of Rus-other words, the conscience of Europe would sia. Russia, however, is now trying to coerce be the high court of appeal, under whose proor cajole many states of Europe into taking tection every state should be independent, and her side. Like a noble in the middle ages, no crowned man should make it afraid. the Czar seeks to bribe or bully his betters in DANGER OF PROPHECIES. futation would have remained good to this day, if he had depended upon the Admiralty steam tween London and Paris was once a joke; and we are still prone to the same assumption in regard to other things. It was said that if the Corn-laws were given up English farmers would be ruined, and the country would be deprived of its food by foreign powers. A short harvest has actually occurred, and bread is much dearer than it was, but not actually snatched from the people. It was said the monarchy could not outlast the Reform Bill; and Queen Victoria is the most popular sovereign we have had since Eliza beth. DR. LARDNER is a favorite subject of perse-ers: he might for example, cite the Melbourne. cution. Having written many clever books and In like manner, projectors were ridiculed for aspapers, he once made rather a serious mistake. serting that trains could run on railways at nine In his work upon the steam engine, he expressed or ten miles an hour; the possibility of transan opinion that little hopes of success could at-mitting messages almost instantaneously betend the project of Transatlantic steam navigation; and ever since Cunard established that line of steamers which has had so many imitators, and is now as familiar as the railway or the electric telegraph, there has been a periodical resuscitation of Dr. Lardner and his mistake. The Doctor has not taken kindly to this periodical roasting; he remonstrates and endeavors to justify himself. At one time, if we remember rightly, he expressed himself to have meant not that such projects were impossible, but that they could not pay. In a letter to the Times, the other day, referring to his eighth edition, he de- In vain we are told that all inventors have nied point-blank that he ever uttered such an been regarded as wild fanciers: that Arkwright, opinion. An Observer of 1845," however, who imagined the factory before power-looms brings a telling witness against the Doctor-not were invented, was first regarded as a dreamer; his eighth but his sixth edition. In page 320 and so forth. People begin to be ashamed of of that volume, Dr. Lardner hopes that "a due venturing to assert what is impossible, and at consideration of the facts and principles in the this close of 1853 perhaps the stubbornest and present chapter would awaken the projectors to dullest understanding would not venture to asa better sense of the mechanical obstacles which sert the impossibility of what may happen in would stand in the way of an unbroken sea 1854. Still the propensity to negatives, which voyage between London and New York." At pertains to our time and character, is too powerpage 320 he calculates that it would be practica- ful to overcome; and there are numbers to preble to construct a steamer capable of carrying dict that if a reform Bill were passed more accufuel, without an intermediate depot of coals for 2,500 miles, and not for 3,500 miles; hence his idea of "the little hopes which can at present attend this project." The project did not succeed "at present," but it has amply succeeded since; and we do not know why Dr. Lardner should be made accountable for having failed to perceive the success which has accumulated in 1853. but was not existent in 1845. rately to adjust representation to the real state of the country in 1854, the constitution would cease to exist. Instead of proving how Dr. Lardner's prophecy is refuted every week, perhaps the most profitable task for the "Observer of 1853" would be to recapitulate how many prophecies of one year have been stultified by the next.Spectator, Dec. 31. It is less just, since the Doctor's foible is a truly national one. We English are fond of judging only by experience and practical consi- Three gentlemen of Paris purpose to estabderations; just as Dr. Lardner did. He found lish hotels on the American plan, huge in dimenwhat steamers had done, applied that to the pro- sions and complete in all accommodations, with position for crossing the Atlantic, and did not an eye to the influx of strangers to the Great feel warranted by the experience of the Admi- Exhibition of 1855. They have purchased one ralty steamers in anticipating success. His re-site at the entrance to the Faubourgh St. Honoré. From the Tribune. Haps and Mishaps of a Tour in Europe. By and on Saturday was at his house. I found him, THE descriptive talent exhibited in Grace Greenwood's previous writings, prepares the reader for a lively book of travels from her pen. In this volume she traverses the common ground of a European tour by an American: landing at Liverpool, gazing at the London lions, dallying with the fascinations of Paris, growing enthusiastic over the displays of Ital-scious power. About his head, altogether, there is a classical, chiselled look the hair grows in a way to enchant an artist, and every feature of his face is finely and clearly cut. But the glow of the soul is all over. seur. BARRY CORNWALL. On Friday morning I had the pleasure of break born -. ian art, and winding up with a glance at the Tyrol and a part of Germany. Grace Greenwood is a capital traveller. She enters with the zest of childhood into every novelty. Her cuOn Sunday morning I enjoyed a pleasure long riosity is insatiable. She has a decided talent hoped for, and never to be forgotten, in hearing for sight-seeing. With a genial disposition, him preach one of those wonderful discourses in which soon makes her at home among stran- which his free but reverent spirit seems to sound gers, she gains many friends, and turns them the profoundest depths of the human soul, to unto the best account. Her delineations of social veil the most solemn mysteries of being, and to life, and her personal sketches, seem to us the tained since Paul and John were caught up and reach those divine heights to which few have atmost valuable portions of the volume. She ex-wrapt away from earth, in holy visions and presses herself with transparent frankness on heavenly trances. foreign works of art and other matters of taste, but not always with the accuracy of a connoisHer style is always lively, and often piquant, but toward the close of the book be- fasting with the poet Barry Cornwall, trays the marks of haste, and a feeling of wea- Procter, riness and perhaps homesickness. It is not I found this prince of song-writers a most agreeat the rooms of my friend Mr. F free from a spice of extravagance, which is oc-able person, a little shy and reserved at first, but casionally carried to a fault. She certainly truly genial and kindly at heart, and with a vein possesses a native eloquence of expression, and of quaint humor running through his quiet, lowhas no excuse for grandiloquence. It would have been better to have "piled on less ago ny on leaving New York." As with a parting gun we bounded from the shore, the heart gave one last, wild, agonized throb for friends and home, then sunk into depths of dread unknown before." She lingers, also, with too fond an unction on the mysteries of seasickness, which, if described at all, had better be left to plain prose. But an undue secretiveness was never the fault of our tourist, and we will not severely blame her for an excess of confidence even on rather delicate subjects. On arriving in England, she loses no time in making the acquaintance of the celebrities to whom she was provided with letters of introduction. As she does not hesitate to bring several of these worthies before the public, we shall not demur at giving our readers the benefit of her impressions. Here then we open a little picture-gallery of living characters. JAMES MARTINEAU. Many of the churches in Liverpool are elegant and imposing structures, but none more tasteful, quaintly, and quietly beautiful than the HopeStreet Unitarian Chapel, where Mr. Martineau preaches. I brought letters to this gentleman, toned talk. It gave me quite a new sensation to hear personal recollections of such men as Byron, Moore, Wordsworth, Keats, Coleridge, and Charles Lamb. Of the latter, Mr. Procter related some leries in a manner surely not unworthy of Elia new anecdotes, giving his peculiar delicious drolhimself. Since I have been in England, I have read some of the prose of Barry Cornwall. Like the prose of most poets, it is singularly picturesque and imaginative. The articles I have read, though not poetry, press so close on to poetry that they have much of its rarest essence. Like the leaves that grow next full-blossomed flowers and luscious fruit, they have about them the true divine fragrance and flavor. D'ISRAELI. The chancellor of the exchequer has a look decidedly and darkly Hebraic. When I say this, I must confess that I have in my eye the modern Abraham, who lends money to fast young men with handsome expectations, or the modern Moses, who presides at the pawnbroker's counter, rather than the faithful patriarch of old, or the wise lawgiver, leader, and feeder of Israel. The face wears to me no high character, but is cold, politic, and subtle in expression. I could only see the sentimental exquisite who penned Henrietta Temple, in the dainty waistcoat and spiral black curls of the chancellor. |