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BOOK to be granted by that which he proposes to leave.
“ There is somewhat of hardship in this matter
imprison a man as it were for life; however
ever advantage he may propose to himself by
Though a certificate carries along with it no
The very unequal price of labour which we frequently find in England in places at no great distance from one another, is probably owing to the obstruction which the law of settlements gives to a poor man who would carry his industry from one parish to another without a certificate. A single man, indeed, who is healthy and induftrious, may sometimes refide by sufferance without one; but a man with a wife and family who should attempt to do so, would in most parishes be fure of being removed, and if the single man fhould afterwards marry, he would generally be
removed likewise. The scarcity of hands in one CH A P. parish, therefore, cannot always be relieved by their fuper-abundance in another, as it is conftantly in Scotland, and, I believe, in all other countries where there is no difficulty of settle. ment. In fuch countries, though wages may sometimes rise a little in the neighbourhood of a great town, or wherever else there is an extraordinary demand for labour, and fink gradually as the distance from such places increases, till they fall back to the common rate of the country ; yet we never meet with those sudden and unaccountable differences in the wages of neighbouring places which we sometimes find in England, where it is often more difficult for a poor man to pass the artificial boundary of a parish, than an arm of the sea or a ridge of high mountains, natural boundaries which sometimes separate very distinctly different rates of wages in other countries.
To remove a man who has committed no mif. demeanour from the parish where he chuses to refide, is an evident violation of natural liberty and justice. The common people of England, however, so jealous of their liberty, but like the common people of most other countries never rightly understanding wherein it confifts, have now for more than a century together suffered themselves to be exposed to this oppression without a remedy. Though men of reflexion too have sometimes complained of the law of settlements as a public grievance; yet it has never been the object of any general popular clamour,
BOO K such as that against general warrants, an abusive
practice undoubtedly, but such' a one as was not likely to occasion any general oppression. There is scarce a poor man in England of forty years of age, I will venture to say, who has not in some part of his life felt himself most cruelly oppressed by this ill-contrived law of settlements.
I shall conclude this long chapter with observing, that though anciently it was usual to rate wages, first by general laws extending over the whole kingdom, and afterwards by particular orders of the justices of peace in every particular county, both these practices have now gone entirely into difufe.
“ By the experience of above “ four hundred years,” says Doctor Burn, “ it “ seems time to lay afide all endeavours to bring “ under strict regulations, what in its own na. “ ture seems incapable of minute limitation : for “ if all persons in the same kind of work were " to receive equal wages, there would be no “ emulation, and no room left for industry or « ingenuity.”
Particular acts of parliament, however, still attempt sometimes to regulate wages in particular trades and in particular places. Thus the 8th of George III. prohibits under heavy penal. ties all master taylors in London, and five miles round it, from giving, and their workmen from accepting, more than two shillings and sevenpence halfpenny a day, except in the case of a general mourning. Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are
always the masters. When the regulation, there- C HA P. fore, is in favour of the workmen, it is always just and equitable; but it is fometimes otherwife when in favour of the masters. Thus the law which obliges the masters in several different trades to pay their workmen in money and not in goods, is quite just and equitable. It im. poses no real hardship upon the masters. It only obliges them to pay that value in money,
which they pretended to pay, but did not always really pay, in goods. This law is in favour of the workmen ; but the 8th of George III. is in favour of the masters. When masters combine together in order to reduce the wages of their workmen, they commonly enter into a private bond or agreement, not to give more than a certain wage under a certain penalty. Were the workmen to enter into a contrary combination of the fame kind, not to accept of a certain wage under a certain penalty, the law would punish them very severely; and if it dealt impartially, it would treat the masters in the same manner. But the 8th of George III. enforces by law that very regulation which masters sometimes attempt to establish by such combinations. The complaint of the workmen, that it puts the ableft and most industrious upon the same footing with an ordinary workman, seems perfectly well founded.
In ancient times too it was usual to attempt to regulate the profits of merchants and other dealers, by rating the price both of provisions and other goods. The aflize of bread is, fo far
BOO K as I know, the only remnant of this ancient
usage. Where there is an exclusive corporation, it may perhaps be proper to regulate the price of the first neceffary of life. But where there is none, the competition will regulate it much better than any aslize. The method of fixing the aflize of bread established by the 31st of George II. could not be put in practice in Scotland, on account of a defect in the law; its execution depending upon the office of clerk of the market, which does not exist there. This defect was not remedied till the third of George III. The want of an aflize occasioned no fenfible inconveniency, and the establishment of one in the few places where it has yet taken place, has produced no sensible advantage. In the greater part of the towns of Scotland, however, there is an incorporation of bakers who claim exclusive privileges, though they are not very strictly guarded.
The proportion between the different rates both of wages and profit in the different employ. ments of labour and stock, seems not to be much affected, as has already been observed, by the riches cr poverty, the advancing, stationary, or declining state of the society. Such revolutions in the public welfare, though they affect the general rates both of wages and profit, must in the end affect them equally in all different employments. The proportion between them, there. fore, must remain the fame, and cannot well be altered, at least for any considerable time, by any fuch revolutions.