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slares; the second, that great loss motion was adjourned till Monday, would be sustained, from the aboli. February 23.--When, pursuant to tion of the slave-trade by the set- this adjournment, Mr. Manning sta. tlers. The first was a self-evident ted that in the event of the bill for proposition, and would lead merely the abolition of the slave-trade pasto a question of policy. The second sing into a law, he should move for would be a question of future con- the appointment of a committee to sideration. Those who demanded consider of the propriety of granting compensation, might hereafter sub- compensation to certain classes of mit their case to the house, who persons, whose interests would be were never backward in listening to affected by it: he wished to ask his the claims of justice. General Gas- majesty's ministers, whether they coyne could not forbear expressing were authorized to accede to such a his satisfaction that the principle of proceeding ? The compensation he indemnity seemed to be acknow. had in view, was much more limited ledged by the noble lord. Lord H. than might be supposed. The first said that he had only stated a gene. class he thought entitled to this, ral principle. Sir P. Francis was were those who had purchased land not willing to allow the possibility under commissions, granted by his of a case in which the public ought majesty for the sale of them. to make compensation to an indivi- cond class, were those who had purdual for any losses that might arise chased lands on the faith of parlia. from the abolition of such iniquitous ment, previous to the first agitation practices. Mr. Roscoe declared, of this question. A third class, that, in his opinion, the house, after consisted of those who had suffered performing the great duty of abo. in their properties, by insurrections lishing the slave-trade, was bound to of the negroes, or by wars or inva. consider the situations of those who sions on the part of the enemy. He should suffer from the annihilation did not propose that any compensa. of a system, which, though it disgra. tion should be granted, except in ced the land, had been so long sanc. cases where the claims should be tioned by the legislature. Mr. R. approved of by commissioners apThornton thought that few cases pointed for the purpose.

There would be found entitled to compen. were other classes of persons, whose sation. Those engaged in commer. cases, though deserving attention, cial concerns, were necessarily ex. he did not then think it necessary to posed to risks, and sufficient warn. allude to.- Lord H. admitted the ing had long been given to those who candid manner in which the honour. were engaged in the abominable traf. able gentleman had stated his views fic. Mr. S. Stanhope conceived that it of the limited amount of compensa. wolud be convenient, if the principle tions. But it was contrary to the on which compensation would be practice of parliament, to drselare, allowed, were stated to the house before-hand, what might be the before the passing of the present amount of compensation, to be bill. The motion was then negati. granted for possible losses, by pro. ved without a division. After which, posed political regulations. This lord Howick moved the commitment was all he could say on the subject, of the bill, and the debate on that as he was not authorized to consent to the proposition of the honoura- portation of fresh negroes, which ble gentleman.

would ultimately lead to a total abo. The order for the adjournment of lition. Mr. Hiley Addington could the debate on the question for going not assent to the bi' but upon ne into a committee on the Slave-trade principle, namely that of the modi. Abolition bill being read, lord How. fication proposed by Mr. Lathurst, ick rose and said, that though the for postponing to a more distantequestion had been so often agitated, riod, the final abolition, and for athat every honourable member must gradual progress in the measure. be acquainted with its details, yet he Mr. Wilberforce replied to the could not reconcile it to himself to principal arguments that had been bring forward a measure of such urged against the bill, and Ieferred vast importance in that new parlia. to Mr. Park's book to shew the ment, without stating those facts and evils that the slave-trade created in that evidence on which alone this Africa. He adverted also to question ought to rest. Ilis lord- another recent publication that ship then entered into a copious re- had drawn considerable attention, capitulation of those facts, and con, namely Mr. Malthus's Essay on tended, from a review of the whole Population. It had been con. of these, and of the various topics tended that in that essay Mr. insisted on in the discussions of the Malthus had favoured the slave, question, that the abolition of the trade. But Mr. Malthus had called slave-trade was founded not only in upon him that day, and expressed justice, but on the true principles his surprise to have learned, that in of sound and liberal policy.--Lord some of the publications of the day, Howick was followed on the same he was regarded as a favourer of the side of the question by Mr. Roscoe, slave.trade. * He declared that his Mr. Lushington, Mr. Fawkes, lord meaning had been misunderstood, Mahon, lord Milton, the solicitor. and that he had just prepared a general, sir John Doyle, Mr. Man. short appendix to his work in order ning and lord Percy. On the other to explain his ideas on the subject. side, there appeared general Gas. -Mr. Wilberforce concluded with coyne, and Mr. Hibbert. Mr. an elegant eulogium on the display Bathurst, though he approved of a of both moral sentiments and talents gradual, was not prepared to go to which the house had that night wit. the length of an immediate abolition. nessed, on the side of humanity and He recommended a tax on the im. justice, particularly on the part of

* If Mr. Malthus be not a favourer of the slave-trade, his book at least, beyond all doubt, tends to favour it. In that book at least, though not perhaps in his heart, he is the best advocate for the slave-trade that has yet appeared. He considers the rapid progress of population as a most formidable evil. There is nothing he dreads so much as its excess. Neither disease, nor death, nor any natural cause, he thinks, is a sufficient barrier against the progress of this evil. It is not, he says, to be counteracted but by other evils: war, murder, famine, pestilence, and vice, and misery, in a thousand forms.---The voice of Nature as well as of Divine Revelation says, “Be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth,” But according to Mr. Malthus, obedience to this law of natural instinct, and political institution, would be inevitable destruction.

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members of the house, if it could be to wash their hands of the guilt the policy of the British legislature involved in the African trade, so he to encounter all those fearful hazards was equally anxious to wash his from a doubtful chance of benefit hands of the consequences which to the native African, who was in a' that abolition, in his judgment, situation not to be benefited by its threatened to produce. exertions, a situation of solitary cessity of passing the bill, on the and hereditary slavery? "Mr. Ful. score of morality*, was not so overler contended, that the abolition of bearing as to leave no option be. the slave trade would make the con. tween abolition, and non-abolition. dition of the slaves in the West- The bill, on the other hand, was Indies worse; though he admitted defended by "Mr. Courtenay, sir that it was necessary, in tlieir present Ralph Milbanke, Mr. Montague, condition, to keep them to their Mr. Jacob, Mr. Ílerbert of Kerry, work by moderate discip ine.- Mr. Jacob, Mr. Whitbread, and lord

, The abolition of the slave-trade was Howick. Mr. Bathurst recom. also opposed by Mr. Windham, mended, as he had done before, a who, with all the reverence he felt gradual decrease. Mr. Courtenay for the principles of justice and hu. at the conclusion of his speech, made manity, had not courage to come an elegant, as well as merited, eu. to the decision which the advocates logium on Mr. Wilberforce, the of that measure proposed, contem. original mover of the question. plating as he did, the effects which it Mr. Whitbread, after recapitula. threatened ; and, at no very distant ting the facts and arguments, on the period too, no less than the ruin of strength of which he had uniformly their country. As those gentlemen given his support to the bill, relatea who supported the bill were anxious a very affecting anecdote, which had

Sometiines considered as synonymous with reason, sometimes with truth or justice, and sometimes with a moral sense, or conscience ; but on whatever it be founded, something of universal obligation, which all are obliged to consult, and to whose decisions all men ought, and generally profess themselves ready to submit. The stings of conscience amounting sometiines to remorse, are in some cases as quick and painful as thrusts of a bayonet. But it will be allowed that in general, conscience is but gentle in her admonitions, and that, in every case, she waves the authority of a civil magistrate, and leaves the point entirely to our own decision. Men may elude the authority of conscience for a time, by abstract speculations concerning its nature. Her voice may be drowned in the noise of controversy. For conscience never disputes, slie barely signifies her will ; too delicate to insist, much less to debate and contend. Yet still moral obligation admits of no compromise. Immorality is always the same, though not always punished. But Mr. Windham seems to think that the authority of moral obligation might, in this instance be easily evaded. Mr. W.is a candid and most ingenious man. He has a liberal way of thinking, and a very distinguishing head. It' would have been very gratifying to curiosity, if he had explained, or if he did, if the reporter of the debate had stated his explanation, how morality has a commanding authority in one case and not in another.-Perhaps what he ineant was, that the humanity of the measure in question was dubious : and here indeed there were pot wanting many argunit nts pro and con.-It cannot well be supposed that Mr. W. meant to attirm that morality was not very authoritative or overbearing when not armed by positive law,

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been communicated to him by a a gradual abolition.- Lord H. Pet. friend, and which he thought ne- ty deprecated any discussion of cessary to state to the house.

A this subject at the present moment. fine young slave had been purchased He entreated most respectfully, but for his estate, who at first seemed most strongly, his noble friend ei. afflicted and sullen, but whose dis- ther to withdraw his motion, or to content was expected to wear off concur in the previous question, with time. After a short period, which he should feel it his duty to however, another cargo of slaves

Sir C. Pole also depreca. arrived, and the newly imported ted the discussion, but was glad the negroes, on meeting with the for. motion had been made, as it would mer, prostrated themselves before open the eyes of all who were inte. him as their chief. The violence of rested in the West-India islands, to bis emotions at the contrast between the dangers which threatened them. what he was, and what he had been, Mr. Wilberforce declared that both drove him within twelve hours to he, and they who acted with him, commit suicide.

were satisfied with having gained The house then went into a com. an object which was to be obtained mittee on the bill, pro formâ.

It with safety.

The sole point they was recommitted, and, with some had in view was, the abolition of amendments, passed on the 16th of the slave-trade, and not the eman. March. Those amendments were cipation of the slaves.

cipation of the slaves. The enemies agreed to by the house of lords, of the abolition had always con. on the 22d, and, on the 25th it was founded these two, objects: the approved and signed by his majesty. friends of the aholition had always

Next day, after the bill for the abo. distinguished them. Mr. Hibbert lition of the slave-trade had been said, if there remained a ray of hope passed in the house of commons, lord that the colonies might be saved, Percy, pursuant to the notice he had it must be decidedly shewn, and given, moved for leave to bring in clearly understood, that the house a bill for the gradual abolition of would not for a moment listen to slavery in his majesty's colonies in any proposal for emancipation. the West Indies. The object of But Mr. Sheridan, who, on the his bill was, to prevent the horrors, preceding night, had considered which had been disclosed in the the bill then passed, as only a pre. course of the discussions on the slave, lude to the ultimate measure of trade, on which he expatiated in a emancipation, expressed his hope very feeling manner: if it had been that the young nobleman who had established, as he trusted it was, done his feelings so much credit by that the slave-trade was contrary to the proposition which he had that the principles of justice, humanity, evening made, would stand to his and sound policy, and that there. ground. If he persevered in the fore it ought to be abolished, it ne- pursuit of his object with the same cessarily followed that slavery it. zeal as his right honourable friend self, being contrary to the Mr. W. had done, he had no doubt principles, ought also to be abolish. but he would meet with the same ed. It was not however his inten. success.--He did not like to hear tion to propose an immediate, but the term properly applied to the