first appointed: On the Building Trades Jo Committee, Delegate Evans substituted for Frank Byrnes; on the Committee on American Federation of Labor Office Building, Delegate John R. Holmes substituted for Robert Woodmansee, and on the special committee to consider the dispute of the Electrical Workers, Delegate William A. Sexton substituted for Joseph Weber.

The following resolutions were introduced and referred by President Gompers to the various committees:

Resolution No. 15-By Delegate Gustav A. Ehret, of the International Jewelry Workers' Union of America:

WHEREAS. The jewelry manufacturing industry taxes the nervous system to such an extent as to shorten the lives of journeymen, due mainly to the long hours of work, viz.: from nine to ten hours daily, often producing those dread diseases known as Bright's Disease and Consumption or Tuberculosis; and often by forcing men to hurry their work, thus straining the nervous system to such an extent as to produce extreme cases of despondency, causing some of the most skillful workmen to become hopelessly insane; therefore, be it

RESOLVED. By the Twenty-Eighth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, That we urge upon all members of affiliated organizations to give publicity through their various labor journals to the frightful conditions existing in one of our affiliated craft organizations-the Jewelry Workers; and be it further

RESOLVED, That we demand the Jewelry Workers' label be placed on all work produced by jewelers, and that we will endeavor to bring the manufacturing association to a full realization of the necessity of making eight hours the maximum working day for all journeymen jewelers throughout the United States and Canada.

Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution No. 16-By Delegate T. W. McCullough, of the International Typographical Union:

WHEREAS, For the purpose of propaganda, it becomes necessary at times to reach the individual members of organized labor directly; and

WHEREAS, Much difficulty has been met at various times because of the inability of access to the membership directly, and by reason of this inability, the dissemination of needful and often information is important greatly retarded, and thus the cause suffers; and

WHEREAS. It is often desirable to reach the mass of unorganized labor as individuals for the purpose of imparting information that may be of service to organized labor, especially in the matter of education of the unorganized in the fundamentals of the labor movement,

and the necessity of organization; therefore, be it

RESOLVED, That the American Federation of Labor recommends to central bodies of the various cities and industrial centers of the jurisdiction of the American Federation of Labor that the secretaries of such bodies provide, whenever practicable, lists of the memberships of the several affiliated unions composing such central bodies; such lists to contain the postoffice addresses of the memberships, and to be carefully preserved under rules to be made by the central bodies for the protection of the membership. These lists to be available, under proper restrictions, at any time to the properly recognized bodies of organized labor for the purpose of spreading needed or useful information to the members. And that the secretaries of the central bodies, as far as possible, provide similar lists of the non-union workingmen in their several districts, such lists to be similarly kent and used as the lists of union members.

Referred to Committee on Local and Federated Bodies.

Resolution No. 17-By Delegates Owen Miller, D. A. Carey, Joseph F. Winkler and Geo. D. Woodill, of the American Federation of Musicians:

WHEREAS, It has become a custom for institutions, founded and conducted for the purpose of caring for, rearing and educating children, to organize in such institutions bands of music composed of some of the inmates, whose ages range from six to fourteen years, ostensibly for educational purposes, which is to be commended highly and altogether unobjectionable; but the almost universal rule is that as soon as these children are taught to be sufficiently proficient to play a few tunes, the melody of which may be recognized, they are at once placed in competition with adults under conditions and for remuneration that makes competition on the part of professional musicians impossible, and on account of the novelty of children endeavoring to play on instruments which are considered difficult for adults and demand the strength and mature experience of older persons, but more on account of the much smaller remuneration required to employ such children, they are often given the preference while fathers of families are deprived of such employment; and

WHEREAS The American Federation of Labor recognizes the evils of child labor, however applied; therefore, be it RESOLVED. That the American Federation of Labor, in Convention assembled, declare this form of child labor most unfair, and all State and Central Bodies are requested to assist the American Federation of Musicians in every legitimate manner in their endeavor to eliminate this growing evil, and thus confine such juvenile bands within these institutions to purely educational purposes. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution No. 18-By Delegate A. P. Tighe, of the International Alliance of Bill Posters and Billers of America:

The International Alliance of Bill Posters and Billers of America do hereby notify the assembled delegates of this

in

Convention that our International Convention, to be held in the near future, will adopt an emblem or design as a trade mark of our vocation in the shape of a uniform rubber stamp, and an ink impression of this stamp will be placed prominent place a on all display advertising in our line, viz.: what is. known as indoor and outdoor advertising. The emblem will be planned at our next Convention. We now have in use a stamp in different cities denoting that the advertising was handled from a union standpoint. but on account of it not being uniform in design, we take this means of notifying the Convention of the proposed change. We expect that our stamp (fac simile) will be given the necessary trades union publicity in the various channels at the American Federation or Labor command. In view of the foregoing, therefore, be it

RESOLVED, That this Convention does hereby concur in this proposition of the International Alliance of Bill Posters and Billers of America immediately on the adoption of a uniform stamp for advertising by our coming Convention.

Referred to Committee on Labels. Resolution No. 19-By Delegate A. P. Tighe, of the International Alliance of Bill Posters and Billers of America:

WHEREAS, It has been the custom of labor organizations in the past to give balls, dances, excursions, receptions, benefits, etc., and it has been the custom to have bill posting and advertising done for same; and

WHEREAS, The International Alliance of Bill Posters and Billers of America is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor; therefore, be it

RESOLVED, That whenever any labor organization, affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, have any work of this description done, either bill posting, indoor or out-door advertising, it shall be

given to members of our Alliance or firms that employ our members.

Referred to Committee on Labels.

Resolution No. 20-By Delegate Francis Creamer, United House Shorers, Movers and Sheath Pilers Union, No. 7417, American Federation of Labor:

WHEREAS, Local Union No. 12,669, known as Sewer and Subway Timbermen of New York, was chartered by the American Federation of Labor in February, 1908; and

WHEREAS, The said Local Union No. 12,669, Sewer and Subway Timbermen of New York, agreed with the United House Shorers, Movers and Sheath Pilers Union No. 7417, American Federation of Labor, not to interfere in, or with, any work or jurisdiction claimed by or belonging to the said United House Shorers, Movers and Sheath Pilers Union No. 7417; and WHEREAS, Local Union No. 12.669, Sewer and Subway Timbermen of New York, have grossly interfered with and violated this agreement, by accepting work at 50% less than the House Shorers' prevailing rate, and have failed to transfer men working at House Shoring as agreed upon; therefore, be it

RESOLVED, That at this Twenty-Eighth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, held at Denver, Colorado, that the charter of Local Union No. 12,669, Sewer and Subway Timbermen of New York, be and is hereby revoked, for failing to maintain the recognized prevailing rate of wages received by the United House Shorers, Movers and Sheath Pilers of New York, who have been chartered by the American Federation of Labor since 1899.

Referred to Committee on Resolutions. At 12:20 the Convention was adjourned to reconvene at 2:15 p. m.

ABSENTEES: Noschang, Huber, Sanders, Richardson, Thomas, Feeney, Morton, Williams, Landers, Moffitt, Price, Potter, Valentine, Miller (Owen), Wilson (Jas.), Alpine, Tracy, Paravicini, Miller (Jesse), Byrnes, Powell, Fairgrieve, Keough (Frank), Walter, Smith (William J.), Welch, Garrett, Hood, Moore, Peterson, Chavey, Witt, Piggott, Chrisman, Hart (Chas. E.), Anderson, Whalen, Leonard, Nutt.

President Gompers introduced to the Convention the Rev. Charles Stelzle, fraternal delegate from the Department of Church and Labor, Presbyterian church, who said in part:

Mr. President and Delegates: This is the fourth annual Convention which it has been my pleasure to attend, and I am coming to feel almost like a veteran labor leader. My wife sometimes fears that I shall kick over the traces and the apply to American Federation of Labor for a job as an organizer; but I rather think the job I am now on may be made more effective than that of an organizer of the American Federation of Labor, much as I should feel honored by occupying such a position. And if that thing were to come to pass, I have an impression it would not be far cry from the position of Superintendent of the Department of Church and Labor to that of an organizer for the American Federation of Labor.

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A long time ago it was said that the voice of the people is the voice of God, and quite a number of papers have adopted as their motto the Latin

phrase, "Vox populi, vox Dei," which expresses that thought. Sometimes the expression or the will of the people has come as a shock; it has come as a shock to some people who were satisfied with conditions as they were. They felt uncomfortable when the expression of that will was forcibly presented to them. In history the leisure classes, the socalled upper classes, have always been on the wrong side of the battle in the fight for progress. The common manthe man with uncommon sense-to him the world owes a debt of gratitude because he is the man who has brought things to pass. If they have not been obstructionists-the so-called upper classes-they have failed to understand the real significance of that great movement represented by the working people. The voice of the people has been to them only a roar of discontent, but if they would have listened, and listened attentively, they might have heard, like the prophet of old, the still small voice of God coming out of the earthquake. The common people, as one reads history and as one studies them to-day, have higher ideals and higher aspirations; they have known better how to suffer and how to sacrifice. If any man would learn the will of God, let him keep close to the masses, for there he will come to discern it.

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It is because this is true that the Church and Labor have so much in common. is among the labor guilds of 2,000 years ago that the church was established. The author of a book entitled "The Ancient Lowly" has come to the conclusion, after making a very careful study of the tablets found in the British Museum, that Christianity was simply a great labor movement; that the early Church was a great labor union. Of course, that is somewhat exaggerated, but in those days practically every working man belonged to the guild composed of the men of his craft. I think it is not unlikely that Jesus Christ himself was a member of the Carpenters' Guild of 2,000 years ago, and that the Apostle Paul was a member of the Tent Makers' Union. He was a tent maker; he worked at his trade for a living. He constantly travelled from place to place, and presumably was dependent upon the artisans to supply him with work. He sought out those engaged in the same craft as himself. Those who are familiar with the story of the Acts-and I tell you there is some mighty good labor stuff in that book-will recall that he came to two strangers who were occupied as tent makers. This we know without dispute; it was among the labor guilds of his period that this great apostle organized the churches whose names are given us in the inspired records. In other words, he practically converted this great labor movement into a church organization. because they had so much in common that, without the violation of a principle, they might easily accept the principles of the Nazarene, He who had become known as their friend and their champion. So closely were they tied up that this author declared the great movement, Christianity, was simply a great labor movement.

If I know anything about the labor movement, and if I know anything about the Church, they both stand for three Christian principles: First, the value of human life; second, the value of the human body, and third, the development of the human soul. And these principles are typified in several things for which organized labor is contending. We find it, first of all, a very important thing in the fight organized labor is making for the abolition of child labor. That is the sort of thing it is seeking to blot out. It is typified in its endeavor to secure a fair deal for womankind, equal wages for equal work for men and women. Furthermore, these principles are typified in securing proper conditions for the tenement house workers. In the report made by President Gompers, the other day, he again called attention to the fight organized labor is making for universal peace. Some day war shall cease, but if we wait until that edict comes from The Hague, a conference of war experts, I rather think our patience will be exhausted. War will cease, but it will be when organized labor throughout the world declares it will no longer go forth to shoot down fellow workers in order to satisfy the pride, the ambitions or the avarice of their rulers. These principles are purely and distinctly Christian principles upon which the Church and labor men may unite.

Some time ago I was present at a sociological conference. A man made a statement there that during the past twenty years social unrest had increased three-fold, and that during the same period the Church had increased threefold. Therefore, he argued that the Church, as a means of keeping down social unrest, had been absolutely noneffective. As though it were the business of the Church to keep down social unrest! Rather is the opposite true-it is the business of the Church to create social unrest. There are no labor troubles in darkest Africa; you never hear of a strike or lock-out among the heathen in that land. But if the missionaries we are sending there are on to their jobs, you will hear about labor troubles before many years have gone by. There are some men who insist that the Church shall adopt Socialism, or Communism, or Anarchism, or some other ism, as an economic theory which must solve all of our social ills. And because the Church, or a particular preacher, does not accept Socialism or Anarchism as an economic theory, the preacher is looked upon as a hypocrite, a knave, a grafter or something else which is not very complimentary to him.

Personally I think it would be a great mistake for the Church to adopt any economic theory as the one which is to work out the social salvation of the masses. The Church must not adopt any of these systems, first, because it has not yet been agreed by the exponents of any of these systems as to how they will work out, nor is it agreed as to the particular policy which will be applied by these exponents. They are not yet agreed among themselves, and since they are not, they have no right to insist that another organization should adont a plan or policy which will meet with the approval of only a particular branch of their organization.

But even though it were true that a particular social system would meet the needs of this twentieth century, that particular system would not be applicable in the next generation or in the next century. Our ideals are advancing; our solution of the labor question, I care not what it may be, will not be satisfactory to the next generation. I rather think that fifty years from now, the delegates who will come to the annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, will look upon this and some succeeding Conventions as consisting_of men who had a very narrow vision. Yet you think you are striving for great things, and you are. According to your

light you are doing the best you can for to-day; but you can not legislate for twenty years from to-day, because the people twenty years from to-day will not be satisfied with it. The labor question will never be settled until the last day's work is done. Therefore, even though there were a system which might meet the needs of the twentieth century, you have no right to demand that the Church shall accept a system or a principle which, in twenty years from now, will be looked upon as a back number.

Fifty years ago there were some very earnest Christian people and some churches that declared that the Scriptures proved that slavery was perfectly legitimate. They were sincere, because almost everybody believed it. Who believes it to-day? I dare say there are few men who would be presumptuous enough to say any kind of slavery would be accepted by any kind of an organization that pretends to have any sort of an ethical standard. Yet those men are saying to us that we must make precisely the same mistake that the Church and other organizations made fifty years ago. Furthermore, the Church has no right to insist upon my accepting an economic system in which I do not believe. For these reasons, then, I think you will see the logic of the argument I am trying to make. No man and no political party and no organization has any right to insist that the Church must accept officially any particular social system which men are discussing in these days. On the other hand the Church and Labor must both be opportunists. They must make the most of every occasion which presents itself. They must never tie up absolutely to systems which may prove to be fallacies. On the other hand, it seems to me that both the Church and Labor must adopt certain broad. fundamental principles which are applicable to every case and to every generation. The Church does not stand for the present social system. It stands only for so much of the present system as is in accordance with the principles laid down by Jesus Christ. does not offer the Gospel as a mere sop to make men satisfied with the present situation, or because it is afraid that some day labor will bring on a revolution. It is in the world, if I understand it, for the purpose of turning the world upside down until this old world is turned right side up. And this, also, is the business of the trade union. The labor union has been accused of the same

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thing. We at least have this in common. We have both made mistakes, both the Church and Organized Labor. One need not go very far back into the history of the Church to find duplicated everything that some men deplore in the organized labor movement of to-day, even down to boycotting and to slugging. We have no right to hold up our hands in pharisaical supremacy and say we are so much better than organized labor in this respect. The Church was compelled to pass through its period of hysteria. The same must be true of every great organization which stands for an advanced movement, and it would be rather unique for the labor unions not to pass through a similar experience. We have both made mistakes. Let us each be more generous to the other, because I think neither of us can afford to be anything but generous in our consideration of the other.

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The labor union has a distinct mission. Nobody will do the work that you are contemplating to do for yourselves: nobody else can do it. All the victories that come to you will come to you through the exertion of your own efforts. It is true that there are individuals who will create sentiment that will make your path easier and your burden lighter, but in the last analysis it is up to you. yet, while all that is true, the Church must have a clear-cut message concerning the social problems of the day. It must rap child labor as hard as it can rap it, and harder than anybody else is rapping it; and unless it is doing just that it is false to its commission. The Church must rap the system of making that sort of thing possible, and if the Church fails to do that it is false to its commission. We must fight for these things for which organized labor is fighting-an absolutely square deal for every man and woman and child in God's universe, and if I felt for a moment, that the Church did not believe in that sort of movement, and if it did not come out squarely for these reforms, I rather think I would write to President Gompers to-day and ask him to commission me as an organizer for the American Federation of Labor.

President Gompers introduced to the Convention Mrs. Raymond Robins, fraternal delegate from the National Women's Trade Union League, who spoke in part as follows:

I feel very much at this moment as I did once upon a time when I was a little girl of six. My father and I were very close friends and comrades. There had been established in our home a rule that when my father came home and entered his study that no one, not even I, must interrupt. I rebelled at that rule. I have always been a rebel; that is one reason I am here with you to-day. One afternoon when I felt that that rule was quite intolerable and it was not right for me to stay out. I looked in through the crack of the door and there I found my father, not busily working as I had expected, but sitting laughing and holding up a paper with colored pictures. As I pushed open the door, I discovered in black letters at