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lose by revolution and civil war ! What poli-' strength and additional security... It is said, tical preferment awaits us as a compensation for with us, to be unattainable.

If it was once

seeming what we are not? What act have we formed it would maintain itself. All communii done which has shown our attachment to prin-lties divide themselves into the few and the ma

ciple is vaccilating or ambidextrous? Show us

the anti-tariff measure we have opposed, or the other the mass of the people.
the people has been said to be the voice of

anti-tariff man that we have turned from and abandoned. Let us see how far the honest men, the pa. triots, the judicious tariff men, differ with high pressure tariff men. The treasury report on this subject is nearly identical with the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky; it proposes to keep on the duties on all, which are called the protected articles. . The political compromising parly, with which the Senator from New Hampshire acts, constitutes the head of the tariff column of attack. If there be a wish to meet on middle ground, let the friends of protection advance to the centre; I for one will not stickle for a hairbreath on this question. All we desire is justice, equality, and uniformity in the regulation of the tariff, so as to meet the expenditures of the civil list, and just wants of the government. The Senator from Kentucky has animadvert. et upon the conduct of the President pro tem., the Senator from Maryland, on account of his not constituting the Committee on Internal Improvements favorable to increased expenditutes in that branch. While he censures for this, he does not give the Honorable Seuator credit for creating the Committee on Finanee and Manufacturing Committee, or making the Manufacturing Committee thoroughly what it purports to be. He is as severe with the President pro tem. as Junius was with the Duke of Grafton; he is not willing to admit that he can do right by accident. It is obvious that the American system party want the whole game in their own hand: they are not willing to surrender anything. The friends of high taxes and the British restrictive system feel the full force of the breach made in the symmetry of their policy, by the payment of the national debt. If we were in debt as much as Great Britain, no question would arise about the constitutionality of the tariff. The forcing power could then be appied to any extent. This difference is not suf. ficiently marked by those who look to the policy of Great Britain as an example to be followed. Prohibitory duties are but parts of one entire whole—aristocracy, monopoly, debt. The wealth of the few, and the poverty of the many, make up the British system; and this is held up to us, as an example to follow, by the American System champions. Great reliance in this debate is placed on the opinions and reports of Alexander Hamilton, Let us hear what he says of the propriety of adopting the British sys em: He says, “I believe the British Government forms the best model the world ever produced; and such has been its progress, in the minds of many, that this truth gradually gains ground.

ny. The first are the rich and well-born; the

The voice of

God; and however generally this maxim has been quoted and believed, it is not true in fact. The people are turbulent—they seldom judge or determine right. Give, therefore, the first class a distinct and permanent share in the government; they will check the unsteadiness of the second, as they cannot receive any advantage by the change, they, therefore, will ever maintain a good government.” - | This is the language of the great Corypheus of the protective policy. . The tariff laws are the foundation, in fact, of the British system, on which the “rich and well-born” will mount and rule the honest yeomanry of this country. The Senator from "Kentucky, in his zeal to . bear down the free trade, with less than his

usual magnanimity, has assailed the learned ou. . thor of the Free Trade Memorial. He hastold him to go home to Europe and inculcate his principles. The same causes, which made him seek refuge in this land of freedom, still ope, rate to keep him here. He has been an Ame. rican citizen longer than I have; he has done his country some little service, and has been ably sustained on this floor. And let me tell the Senator one thing; if that individual were a member of this Senate, he would defend him. self from the imputations thus heaped upon him, with the sparkling eye of genius, and the cutting sarcasm of a tonghe, as skilled in do. . . bate, as powerful in advocating the cause " . truth. I was the more surprised to hear to , denunciations of this gentleman, since, at the Free Trade Convention, he was looked upo with some jealousy, for his supposed politio partiality to the Senator from Kentucky. We ive in strange times, and seem to be acting to , Mid-summer-night's Dream—those we wo turn from us, and those who woo us, we tun , from. !-- * The gentleman is not backward in retaining foreigners in his ranks. I will not say to ". y Cary, “go home.” I am willing that he mos remain and shed any light he may posseo" * favor of the principles he thinks sight. Ino eulogy which the Senator from Kentucky Pr" | nounced on the foreign emigrants to this to & try, he omitted to no ice the Scotch. To “ might have been considered accidental * * for the thrust he made at the Scotch mercha" in another part of his argument. They aro, by some means or other, put down as the fie" : of free trade, and consequently denounco o Now the truth is, we have not in the conntry'. ." more industrious, moral, and worthy class of * people than the scotch. of those engago o agriculture, they are temperate, untiring, " . intelligent; and with us, convert to use * * subsistence, a portion of our lands, who would otherwise remain a wild and waste " * derness. *

This government has for its object public

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How does it happen, that the Scotch merchant comes in for so large a share of the Senator's vengeance against free trade? Is it be. cause his habits, his intelligence, his honesty, and fair dealing, elevate him in the commercial * world above the surrounding competitors? Is * it because the merchant from old England, and * the merchant from New England, flourish not * in the vicinity, but are banished, blighted, and * withered by Scotch industry, and scotch saga * ty; otis it because cotton-bagging is made in * linemes and Dundee? Sir, no nation stands higher than Scotland for the production of - E. men, not for the additions which have *** en made to atts and sciences, and to the in

* provements of society, moral or intellectual. 1 will not detract fom the Gaelic character, nor * ineverently speak of a people who boast of such ** twuntrymen as Bruce, Burns, and Brougham. * The Sotion Kentucky has been kind o: and respectful to South Carolina, while he re ** probated her principles, and made war upon ** her friends. He will pardon me for telling o him what the people of that State think of the o rival western candidates, for the first honors of * the country. They think the Senator from * Kentucky is a “whole hog” tariff man; and that ** General Jackson is not much of a tariff man. o Their principles form their associations; and *** *Present ultra motions of the Senator from .*** Kentucky, upon matters of constitutional law, ow" "wo policy, place an impassable gulf 'o, oween them and him, we honor him for his so once-for his early opposition to federal o, ownt-pricularly his opposition to tool o * "corporation of the United states Baak.

We value his services during the late war,
when he stood inh be champion of his coun-

such is not the case now. While our old men
and women, and little children, rested in safe-
ty by day, and in security by night, in defiance
of southern interest and southern feelings, the
sentinel on the wall, with unequalled perfidy,
recreant and traitorous, turned his fire upon his
own people, and, as far as he could, spread
desolation in his own camp. He is the survi-
vor of Nat Turner, and the confederate ef
Lundy and Garison.
1 trust the Senator from New Jersey will not
insist that we are rallying at his call—spare us
from this last disgrace, the enlistment under
such a leader. After all, this call to arms, pro-
perly understood, means nothing; it is but the
galvanic artificial spasm of a lifeless toad. It is
not animated by one pure principle of patriot-
ism or public virtue. It is the hollow hearted,
spiritless, hypocritical echo of a press prostitut-
ed to power, and the servile follower of men.
Has the Senator forgotten the bold and war-
like eloquence of Sempronious? “My voice
is still for war! Gods, can a Roman Senate
long debate?” when he had Czesar's commis-
sion in his pocket,
Let me tell those who have union so much
on the tongue and thrift at heart, that if the
union perishes, it will be their fault. I Wave
in my hand a letter, purporting to be a circular,
addressed to the postmasters in the south, as.

union dissolved. Intelligent and honorable men are not responsible for such sentments, but they are permitted to cscape from the incendiary or fanatic with impunity; the press , upon neutral ground is permitted to shoot its rockets and inflammatory matter into our towns, and upon our mansions; and those whose duty it is to repress the nuisance, make no effort to do so. The following observations, taken from a pamphlet laid on our tables, may be taken as a token from our northern friends of their love tor us, and the value they set on the Union:

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“The abolition of slavery world, theref re, take from our southern brethren only what does not now belong to them. This is already acknowledged by not a few of themselves; and I am confident that many more, whose pecuniary circumstances would be most affected by the change, will be the first to acquiesce in it, when they shall be brought to realize the enormous wickedness of the present system. “It cannot be denied, that, in some instan. ces, the emancipation of the blacks may turn the abodes of wealth into the habitations of want. Such reverses of fortune, however, are occasioned, probably, to as great an extent, b new laws arresting or turning the carcer of commerce, or our noneyed institutions.” This is a specimen of the care which a conso. li lated government would take of our property, and the restless temper of those who are

idered as indicating une tem-lèreaching peace, while they are spreading fire *" he woulb. that time has gone by...[brands and war.

Sir, I consider it one of the duties of the

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erting that slavery must be abolished, or the *

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tion given by the Free Trade Convention, to the Chief Justice; he was invited to take his seat within the bar. When he came in, without any previous concert, the whole assembly by one common impulse rose to receive him This was the unsought homage, which a correct moral sense paid to the social virtues, splendid talents, and distinguished services of this illustaious personage. Our association with the Senator from Maryland ought not to lessen our respect for his age and his public services. I regret that so much warmth was elicited in this debate between the Senators from Kentucky and Maryland. I regret it, as an evi. dence of excitement incident to this debate. I regret it, moreover, because the Senator from Maryland, with much apparent good feeling, appealed to the hardened will of the majority, to relax this system in favor of the South. And let me ask in sorrow, rather than in anger, how was this appeal responded to? The Senator from Kentucky answers to this by saying the Senator from Maryland is a component part of a political majority. “The friends of the American System have been reminded, by the honorable gentleman from Maryland, (General Smith,) that they are the §§ and he has admonished them to exercise their power in moderation. The majority ought never to trample upon the feelings or violate the just rights of the mino ity. They ought never to triumph over the fallen, nor to make any but a temperate and equitable use of their power. But these counsels come with an ill grace from the gentleman from Maryland. He, too, is a member of a majority—a political majority. And how has the administration of that majority exercised their power in this country? Recall to your recollection the fourth of March, 1829, when the lank, lean, famished forms, from fen and forest, and the four quar ters of the Union, gathered together in all the halls of patronage; or stealing, by evening's twilight, into the apartments of the President's

tucky admits the claims of the south. He admits the force of the old common maxim, “meliorest conditio possidentis,” “better is the condition of the occupant.” He admits, that government ought not to divest the rights of the citizen to that which they are in possession of; and by mere power change the cendition of, men without any motive but favoritism. In a word, he admits, that the south is proscribed by the same rule that the innocent unoffending incumbent in office has been; and that the same moral code, wbich reforms the bread out of the mouths of A's children into the mouths of B's children is applied to reform the money out of the pocket of southern owners, into the pocket of northern owners. The only difference which seems to be recognised in the just similitude, is, that one class of the wrong doers prowl at night, come forth from “fen and forest,” to fatten on the spoil of others, while, by the other class, the mischief is done in open day with open force. And has it come to this, that in the face of the Senate, he who moves upon his victim under color of darkness, in the “silent night, when screech owls cry and ban-bun dogs howl, when spirits walk and ghosts break up their graves." is to be reproached with his misdeeds as a pale liation for the daylight invasion of proper, by the majority who sustain the tariff Sir, i concur entirely in the tribute of respect paid by the eloquent Senator from Virginia, (Mr. T.,) to the Senator from Kentucky. Isoknowledge the power of his eleguence, the fascination of his manners, the influence he has had, has now, and always will have in any deh. berative or legislative assembly. He should re. member that those requirements should be used for the good of his country; from him to whom much is given, much is expected. But few men arrive at the point which enables them to do what is right without looking back; ther: are but few statesmen who have strengthenough to do a great national good, or reconcile a dio

mansion, cried out, with ghastly faces, and o cord ant interest—let him imitate a younger, but

sepulchral tones: Give us bread! Give us trea: sury pap! Give us curreward! England's bard was mistaken; ghosts will sometimes come, called or uncalled. Go to the families who were driven from their employments en which they were dependent for their subsistence, in consequence of their exercise of the dearest right of freemen. Go to the mothers, whils: hugging to their bosoms their starving children. Go to the fathers, who, after being disqualified, by long service, for any other business, were stripped of their humple places, and then sought by the minions of authority, to be stript of all that was left them—their good names— and ask, what mercy was shown them? As for myself. born in the midst of the revolution, the first air that I ever breathed on my native soil of Virginia, having been that of liberty and independence, I never expected justice, nor desired mercy at their hands, and scorn the wrath, and defy the oppression of power.” What is the moral to be deduced from this

not less talented man, the chairman of the Com'' mittee of Ways and Means in the other House, who, against public sentiment at home, susta” the United States Bank. He owes it to ho fame, to reconcile conflicting interest on to subject. Let it not be said that he who pool oil upon the waters on the Missouri question, made them again turbid on the tariff. Let him save the south from desperation. and history will do justice to his memory posterity, a grateful posterity inscribe, on iiis tomb, “Here rests the man who loved ho country more than himself.” I am admonished by the time I have conso ed, to bring my observations to a close. To good and the evil are set before us; having the power to do good, we have also the power." do evil. Although the punishment may not be so certain and so speedy as that which follow the violation of constitutional law by our flo parents, yet the etern.) purpose of justice " be executed on that government which tro

reply. It is this, that the Senator from Ken

cends its powers and oppresses its people. ,

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WASHINGTON, MAY 4, 1832.

Vol. W.................82.50 per ANNUM..... By DUFF GREEN...........No. 5.

The following official denunciation of both|And upon whom should rest the responsibility, Houses of Congress appeared in the Globe off Congress have done nothing? who does not

the 25th ult, :

“They have filled both branches of Congress with unbecoming altercations, and have sunk the dignity of the National Assembly by making it the general reservoir for all the calum its generated by party malignity. It is no longer a deliberative and legislative body It appears somewhat like a court of scandal, in which libels of all sorts are uttered and inqui. red into, and where all breaches of the peace arising thereupon are to be made cognizable and punishable.”

A conversation between the President and * minister of the Gospel, in the presence of overal other persons, relative to the arrest of Houston, in which the President is said to have demonol both Houses, so much in the lan. *ś of the Globe, has been for some days Foothe subject of remark. The similarity of *lounge used by the Globe and that attri*d to the President, leaves no room to doubt "the article in the Globe is in confor. o "his opinions, and its publication accep. *!o him. Taken in this view, it raises a * deserving the most serious attention of the Amorican people.

*** more force to this assault upon Con. **Gobe sets out by saying, “Look to to tells of the present session of t;ongress, which has been sitting almost five months— what has been done? No. solitary bill of ge. neral interest his been passed.”

The great measures of the present session have been the Bank, the Tariff, and the Appor. "*" and Pension Bills. At the commence. ment of the session, Mr. McLane, as he himself construed his conversation with a member of Congress, asserted his ability to present a tariff bill which would be acceptable to all P* Why has he not done so He *.*q'ested to do so i and has not, *..." "... dy, handed in his project.— $oha bill should have been prepared at the **ury before the commencement of the * We know that Mr. Ingham, the late Secretary of the Treasury, had been, for a long * *rnestly engaged in preparing the de *"f such a bill', and we'do not hesitate to *"ur belief that, but for his removal, he

know that the partisans of the administration have acted with Mr. Clay and his friends, on the pension and tariff bills? It will be remem. bered that Mr. Tazewell said the project presented by Mr. Wilkins was had, that by Mr. Clay worse, and that by Mr. Marcy worst of all! Whose fault, then, is it that more has not been done? But it is not true that Congress have done nothing. We call upon those who are best acquainted with the deliberations of Congress to bear witness that, at no previous session, has either House been more engaged in the discharge of its duties. In the House, there have been five hundred and fifty-four bills reported; two hundred and five bills passed, and sent to the Senate; sixty-two bills from the House have passed the Senate, and become laws; two bills from the House have passed the Senate, with amendments, and not yet become laws, fiftyseven bills from the Senate have been receiv. ed in the House; ten bills from the Senate have passed the House and become laws; three Se. nate bills have passed the House, with amend rents, but not become laws; there have been four hundred and fifty-one reports from com. mittees, of an interesting or important charac. ter, which have been printed by order of the House; and the committees have acted upon at east one thousand memorials, and other sup. jects, the reports upon which being, generally, of an adverse character, have not been printed; there have been presented to the House three thousand one hundred and thirty petition, and memorials; there have been six hundred and twenty-seven subjects of inquiry, raised on re. solutions adopted by the House; and there have been about thirty resolutions of inquiry moved by memoers, but which have not been agreed to by the House. We will be borne out by the experience of the oldest members, when we say that, at no previous session, have members of Congress been more arduously engaged in their 'egisl tive duties. But, says the Globe, Congress “is no longer a deliberative and legislatire body. It appears some what like a court of scandul, in which libet, of all sorts are uttered and inquired into, and where all breaches of ". asising thereupon, are to be made cogn-zuble and punishable.”

*!"ave greatly contributed to the adjust. **this embarrassing question, with what

This direct allusion to the Proceeding now before the House, is conclusive of the view ene . ed possession of power, and who can retain it

floo, then, can the Globe, the organ of the tertained by the Executive of the powers and *ity and of the Ex-cutive, attempt to duty of the Congress relative to assaul's upon

throw upon Congress the responsibility of de-lit" members for words spoken in debate. The bring to act on the tariff, "the Secretary of object cannot be misunderstood. It is to impair * Treasury, whose duty it was to prepare|the standing of members of Congress as such, * bill, has failed to discharge his duty, and to counteract the influence which their * upon him rests the responsibility...lopinions, and the Proofs of fraud, and the mal

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practices of the government, developed by Congress, will have on the public mind. It is a species of the same bullying by which the politicians of the Nashville school would hush the voice of truth. It is part of the plan to overawe the Congress of the United States, and to convert the representatives of a free people into the servile slaves of the creatures of a corrupt and profligate administration. We have much more to say in relation to this subject; but we rejoice to find the organ of corruption thus laboring in its vocation—thus speaking in the open day. The people will repel, with the indignant scorn which it merits, this calumny upon their representatives.

The purchased press, headed by the Globe, are striving to make an impression, that the Vice President has an interest in keeping up the present distracted state of the country, and with that view they charge him as being averse to the adjustment of the tariff question. Never was a charge more unfounded. Instead of being interested in keeping the up unhappy divisions which now distract the country, every motive, personal, political, and patriotic, impels him in a different direction. Instead of profiting by the present state of things, his prospect, as a public man, has been, and is more injuriously affected by it than any other prominent individual in the country. We venure to say, that there is no other public man who stands higher with the intelligent and patriotic portion, as well as with the great bulk of the community, for private worth, public integrity and services, than the Vice President. Itemove the objection to him arising from the tariff, on the part of the manufacturing States, and his opinion on the ultimate constitutional remedy in reference to the protective system, and we venture to assert, that there is no other public managainst whom there are so few objections, as against Mr. Caliloun; and yet, in th: face of these facts, the corrupt organs of power dare to make the charge that he is opposed to the adjustment of the very question, the existence of which alone stands in the way of his future advancement. To such absurdities are the partisans of power and corruption driven, in order to destroy, if possible, the confidence of the pee. ple in the integrity and patriotism of the Vice President.

There are, it is true, those who do profit by the present unlappy distraction of the country, but it is neither Mr. Calhoun nor his friends. As much as the satisfactory termination of the present state of things would advance their interest, in the same proportion would it oppress those, who by the most corrupt means, grow. ing out of existing circumstances, have obtain.

no longer than the present corrupted and distracted state of things continues. Who does

self, put an end to the power of Lewis, Kendall, Hayward, and their associates, with that of their chieftain, the Kinderhook intriguer? Can any man doubt, that at least two thirds of this community abhor the present corrupt state of things, and those who have brought the

the slightest prospect of the continuance of their power, provided the honest of all sides could unite against them, which they certainly would do, if the country was not divided on the tariff and other questions connected with it 2 This, the corrupt corps, who are in possession of power, well know; and while

exciting the present distraction, they would be the very last to bring it to a termination—be cause it would seal their doom.

That they should exhibit an apparent anxiety to adjust the tariff, is not at all surprising: but when we reflect on the project to effect that object, presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, at the commencement of the session, and the bill since reported by the Committee of Manufactures in the House of Representatives to enforce the present system, (and which originated in the Treasury Department,) a bill more odious than the tariff of 1828, we cannot believe that a sincere desire to terminate the present controversy, by a fair and honorable adjustment, which would bring down the du: ties to the proper revenue point—which would do justice to all the parts, by equalizing the burden as nearly as may be, enters into the views of those now in power. Under this im: pression, we predict that when the scheme of the Secretary of the Treasury comes in, it will be found to fail in all these particulars, by an adherence to which alone, any permanent or satisfactory adjustment can take place. That instead of bringing down the revenue to the point that the economical and constitutional wants of the country require, it will be gradu. ated at a rate exceeding that of all the preceed. ing administrations, excluding the public debt and that instead of equalizing the burdens, it will distribute the duties in a manner to act most unequally on the several portions of the country. We come to this conclusion, not only for the general reasons which have been at signed, but from other indications. The Secretary has been collecting evidence, as we understand, in reference to the operations of the tariff, and consulting with certain individualso the same subject. we shall be greatly out: prised if he has consulted a single individual connected with the great planting interest

the country, or has collected a particle of te: timony in reference to the manner in which it may be effected by his proposed adjustment: The calcultation in that quarter is to rely, no upon its interest, but on the fidelity of faithful partisans, who, for some cause or other, take *

not 8ee that an adjustment of the conflicting into rests of the several sections of the country, which would bring the sound elements of to

for deeper concern in the presidential que” tion than in the public harmony, or in the in terest with which they are more particularly connected.

country together, would almost instantly, ofit.

country into it? and that there would not be

they have the audacity to charge others, with ,

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