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he finally embarks in business or a profession, do you dictate and regulate each feature, or do you advise and leave the boy to solve his own problem and make his own decisions?

So with the eight-hour or shorter workday in private emp'oyment. It is as stated in the beginning, the fundamental object.ve for workers who are seeking better things. But when forced upon them by 'aw, or given them without their appreciating its value, they frequently 'ook upon it as injustice or hardship. They have not been able to make agreements for the adjustment of wages, hence they apprehend that decreasing the hours of work means to them decreased pay.

Often securing the eight-hour day by outside agencies means that organization is retarded or checked, which in time means that continued progress and future betterment will be practically impossible.

Doing for people what they can and ought to do for themselves is a dangerous experiment. In the last analysis the welfare of the workers depends upon their own initiative. Whatever is done under the guise of philanthropy or social morality which in any way lessens initiative is the greatest crime that can be committed against the toilers. Let social busy-bodies and professional "public morals experts" in their fads reflect upon the perils they rashly invite under this pretense of social welfare.

Some say that the state is an agency through which the people obtain results that it exists for their service. But the state is not some impersonal thing. It has no existence outside the people that compose it. Its policies and movements can be directed only by those who are organized and therefore able to exercise power and exert influence. The working people who are unorganized have no part in determining the affairs of state-they may benefit or suffer from policies but they have no voice in them.

Organization in industry to be utilized in every field of beneficent activity is the only defense and protection of the workers. Those who would really benefit the workers through legislation or through economic action should lose no opportunity to further organization of the yet unorganized. If all the welfare workers, the social uplifters, the social legislative enthusiasts would apply the efforts and money they are now diverting to other causes to the work of promoting organization, they would greatly shorten the time necessary to put all workers in a position where they could solve their own problems, fight their own battles, and promote their own welfare as free, equal men and

women.

Bear in mind that "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty" is as essential today as when the warning was coined, or at any time in the world's history. It has its potent application to life and liberty in industry, as in the political life of our nation.

"Whether you work by the piece or work by the day,
Decreasing the hours increases the pay."

Organize, Unite, Federate, to reduce the hours of labor.

HATTERS' PETITION TO CONGRESS

NSISTING that either Congress failed to make plain its purpose in enacting the Sherman antitrust law, or the courts erred in interpreting that law, the Danbury hatters have petitioned Congress asking that body to make an appropriation to relieve them from the award of damages in the case brought against them by the hat manufacturers, D E. Loewe and Company, of Danbury, Connecticut. On February 10 and 11, the Congressmen from Connecticut, Representatives Donovan, Kennedy, Mahan, Reilly and Lonergan, the entire Connecticut delegation in the House, introduced in the House of Representatives a petition on behalf of the journeymen hatters of Danbury, asking Congress to relieve the petitioners from the award.

The petition is based upon the following facts: that during the discussion in Congress while the Sherman antitrust bill was under consideration, many Senators declared that the law when enacted was not intended to apply to the voluntary associations of labor; that the Senate in committee of the whole adopted a specific provision declaring that the organizations of working men, agriculturalists, and horticulturalists, should be exempt from the operations of the law; that while the bill was recast with that specific provision eliminated, the declaration was made that notwithstanding the elimination, the bill when enacted into law would not apply to labor; that the enactment of the labor provisions of the Clayton antitrust law was an effort on the part of Congress to correct its own error in the construction of the Sherman antitrust law, or to correct the error of the court in interpreting that law to apply to the voluntary associations of the working people.

The petition recites the history of the controversy in its varying stages through the courts and the final decision that the judgment of damages must be met. But whether the error lies with Congress or the courts, an unjust hardship has been brought upon the Danbury hatters, who petition Congress

to relieve them of the amount of the damages including costs and interest

A copy of the petition is printed herewith, and is signed by the survivors of the 243 hatters who were originally sued. petitioners' ages range from 65 to 80 years. It is earnestly hoped that Congress will lend a willing and sympathetic ear to these men. The petition is as fol ows:

The United States of America

To the Honorable Senators and Representatives of the States, comprising the United States in Congress Assembled:

We, the subscribers, residents and citizens of the state and district of Connecticut, respectfully represent:

That we are journeymen hatters, and for many years have been members of local associations of hatters; associations formed not for profit, but for

mutual protection and advancement; associations of which the membership are justly proud, for the reason, among others, that their existence in this country dates back to the period of the Revolution, at which time they were known as "Hatters' Guilds," and by virtue of membership in such associations we have become members of the United Hatters of North America. That your petitioners, the subscribers hereto, are not officers of the United Hatters' Association, or of the local unions of which we are members. Indeed, many of us, by reason of advanced age, are exempt from attending meetings and payment of dues. Nor have any one of us taken any part, either directly or indirectly, in the doing of the several acts for which we have been cast in judgment in the sum of over a quarter of a million of dollars, and under which the judgment creditor will now take the little savings resulting from a lifetime of work and frugality, a large part consisting of the humble homes in which we have hoped to pass our declining years. The statute upon which has been rested the claim of right to a judgment against us is the so-called Sherman Act, passed by your Honorable Body, and approved on the 2d day of July, 1890, and entitled: "An Act to Protect Trade and Commerce Against Unlawful Restraint and Monopolies."

We are informed that said act was not designed or intended to apply to or affect labor organizations or combinations of working men, and this was stated repeatedly in the discussion of the measure in and by your Honorable Body prior to its enactment into law, and neither the subscribers nor any other persons had any knowledge that the law could be held to apply to the normal acts of labor organizations until the question had been submitted to and decided by the Supreme Court of the United

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States, the matter coming to said Supreme Court from the decision of the trial judge by whom, as a question of law, it was decided that the law did not apply to associations of working men.

Nevertheless, in an action brought by D. E. Loewe and another, in September, 1903, against your petitioners and a number of others, many of whom have since deceased, the plaintiffs have recovered judgment, not only for the. full amount of damages sustained, but for a sum which, in the aggregate, is three times the amount of the damages actually sustained by the plaintiffs. The theory of the action is that the defendants conspired together to restrain the interstate trade and commerce of the plaintiffs. The methods employed to that end, it is charged, were:

(1) A strike, by which the Union employes of plaintiffs quit work. It is not pretended that the strike was not fully authorized by the law of Connecticut, or that a single act was committed by any one of the strikers which was not lawful under the law of that state. Indeed, the strikers never sought to even discourage any one from entering the employ of the plaintiffs. On the contrary, they advised non-union workmen to continue the work. All the strikers did was to go away, never to return. Moreover, not one of your petitioners was an employe of the plaintiffs.

(2) It is further alleged in the complaint and proven, that for a number of years prior to the acts complained of the United Hatters' Association had agents upon the road urging the purchase of hats bearing the Union Label. But this was not illegal. Indeed, sound public policy not only encouraged, but authorized its use, as is shown by the fact that the statutes of forty-one states permit the use of the Union Label, and the courts protect it from the frauds perpetrated by those who would advantage themselves by the popularity of the label. The theory of the plaintiffs is that, notwithstanding the sanction of the law, the Union Label can be, and is, made an effective instrument of boycott. As it happens in the case, a jury has been encouraged by the courts to find that a strike lawfully conducted under the laws of the state of Connecticut, and the use of the Union Label, and of agents in other states where it is perfectly lawful to do so, together constitute a restraint of the plaintiffs' interstate trade and commerce. Assuming, as we must, now that the court has spoken, that these perfectly lawful acts constituted an unlawful conspiracy to restrain the interstate trade and commerce of the plaintiffs within the intent and meaning of the Sherman Antitrust Law, nevertheless, we humbly invite your attention to the fact that we, your petitioners, had no lot or part whatsoever in the doing of any one of these things to which reference has been briefly made. We repeat, no one of us was in the employ of Loewe & Company, but were employed by other hat manufacturers, some in other towns than Danbury; while others of us were not employed in the Hat-making Industry for ten years prior to the bringing of the Loewe suit. No one of us was consulted about it by any one, officer or employe. No one of us by word or deed sought to bring about or encourage the strike. No one of us was an agent on the road urging the use of the Hatters' Label. Nor did we have aught to do with the sending of agents upon the road, nor were we familiar with

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When the action above referred to was brough was commenced against each one of us by the atta ment of our several homes, and in the instant where a little savings bank account had b created, in addition to the home, such acco was attached. In other words, the selection of the defendants in this action, which was determined by the counsel for the American Anti-Boyc Society, who were also counsel for the plaint was based on the ownership of property and not conduct from which the plaintiffs claim to have s fered injury. Each and every one of the 9. n members of the Hatters' Association, wherever over the United States they were residing and having property, could have been selected as defendant upon precisely the same grounds as your petitioner That said Sherman Act was not designed or tended to apply to or affect labor organizations combinations of working men, and this was state repeatedly in the discussion of the measure in an by your Honorable Body prior to its enactment it: law, and neither the subscribers nor any other pe sons had any knowledge that the law could be he to apply to the normal acts of labo organizatioc until the question had been submitted to and decid by the Supreme Court of the United States, the ma ter coming to said Supreme Court from the decisio of the trial judge by whom, as a question of law, was decided that the law did not apply to associ tions of working men.

That through the construction and interpretati.: given to said law by said Supreme Court a cond. tion has been created and now exists which was not contemplated or intended when said law was frames and enacted, in that labor organizations have bec: held amenable thereto, and the individual member thereof have been subjected to the penalty of tripl damages thereby provided.

That the condition above mentioned has grow: out of a certain action brought by D. E. Loewe an another, in September, 1903, under the said act against the subscribers, and a number of others wh have since deceased, in which action the homes an bank accounts of the defendants were attached an held to respond to any possible judgment recovered in said action.

That the homes and bank accounts so attache : were the results of work and savings and accumulations of many years spent by the defendants in the occupations as journeymen hatters before the act referred to had been conceived or enacted, and the efforts and accomplishments of their entire lives were affected by such attachment and possible judgment.

That at the time said suit was commenced and said attachments made, the defendants, in many instances, were already old men who had exhauste their earning capacity, and since that time, which t almost twelve years ago, many others of the defendants have ceased to have earning capacity or powers, and of the original defendants, numbering 243, many have passed away, leaving widows an

Iren whose only inheritance is the little estate the deceased defendants encumbered by the len of said attachment. Of those who were le defendants at the institution of the suit but remain to respond to the final judgment. hat during the period mentioned in the comnt in said action the defendants were engaged in ing the means of providing for themselves and ir families, and had no knowledge that they or the anization of which they were members, or the ters thereof, had done or were doing any act or s in violation of the Sherman Antitrust Law, of any other law.

That by reason of the decision of the Supreme urt that the act referred to covered the actions of or organizations and their members, a judgment been entered against the subscribers in the acn above-mentioned and in favor of said D. E. ewe and another for the recovery of two hundred d fifty-two thousand dollars ($252,000), and inest and costs, and said judgment and costs, satisfied, by the defendants, must be satisfied rough the loss of their homes and bank accounts, d the reducing of many of them, and possibly twidows and children of deceased defendants, to € position practically of paupers, with the probable sequence of throwing upon the state the burden their support.

That this situation is due to the construction of e aforesaid Sherman Antitrust Law by the Su-* reme Court, in giving to it the not intended effect applying to labor organizations, and in not limitits application to combinations and monopolies y capital and capitalists, as was intended by your Honorable Body.

That such construction was made possible through fortunate phraseology in drafting said act, and the misconception of its scope and breadth; and ardship has thereby been brought upon the subcribers.

That your Honorable Body enacted a law, aproved by the President, October 15, 1914, known as An Act to Supplement Existing Laws Against nlawful Restraints and Monopolies, and for other urposes," and commonly known as the Clayton Antitrust Law, and by the provisions of which abor organizations are exempted from the operaon and effect of all antitrust laws, and such orcanizations are now permitted to do the things for hich, under the act hereinbefore referred to, the Supreme Court held them and their members to be hable; and said Clayton law now provides specifially for that which was thought and intended to have been provided, though indirectly, in the Sherman Antitrust Law, and inferentially vindicates The belief of the defendants, and of the members of the labor organizations generally, that they were intended to be and were exempt from the effect of said act.

That from the hardship brought upon the subscribers through the construction placed on said Sherman Antitrust Law by the Supreme Court nd the loss of their homes and bank accounts hrough the satisfaction of said judgment, and the vil consequences resulting therefrom, the subcribers have no recourse, no source to which they an look for relief, other than your Honorable Body.

WHEREFORE, the subscribers humbly petition your

Honorable Body to take such action as may be necessary and proper to appropriate from the funds and revenues of the government such a sum or such sums of money as may be required to liquidate and satisfy said judgment, and to relieve the subscribers from the unintended and unjust effect of said Sherman Antitrust Law and the unexpected construction given thereto.

We respectfully urge that for obvious reasons your Honorable Body take immediate action, if in your judgment the subscribers should be relieved as prayed for in this petition, and, as in duty bound, your petitioners will ever pray.

Thomas A. Evans, Henry C. Judd, Mrs. William Ochs, Charles H. Green, Charles H. Frost, Mrs. Levi Short, William F. Ohler, Mrs. Frederick E. Benedict, Owen Murray, Byron B. Morgan, John L. Keane, Reuben Johnson, William Deaken, Martin McGettrick, John Crotty, Thomas Boyd, John Halpin, William E. Geartner, John Hassett, Byron Brooks, Christian Rheinhold, Peter O'Boy, Theodore Bright, Adolph Holdeichel, Andrew Aitken, Frank Rohde, John Pribula, Michael Hurd, Emil Flosky, Fred L. Stahl, Nelson H. Booth, Martin Keating, Patrick McCarthy, Michael Corbet, Archille Canale, George M. Herrick, Guiseppe Tosi, Christian G. Garni, Thomas McGanley, Wright Hampson, Myron L. Trowbridge, D. H. Barnes, Henry C. Michales, Samuel S. Wilson, Frank Krebs, Michael Hennessey, H. V. Dibble, David J. Hardy, Edward D. Lees, Patrick F. McCarthy, William V. Nowlan, Patrick McGrath, Timothy Farrell, James P. Callahan, Michael F. Kenny, William S. Dutcher, James Crotty, Alphonse Bresson, Herman Bohman, Jeremiah McCarthy, Thomas E. Waters, John Harkness, Charles Shaffer Frank Kornhass, Patrick Feeley, G. J. Miller, Thomas Leonard, George F. Denton, Eugene L. Mulkin, Thomas McHugh, Thomas Foley, Nicholas W. Allen, Patrick Hart, Charles A. Hodge, John Leonard, Charles F. McHan, J. M. Blake, Martin McCue, John McGlone, James McGlone, Peter J. Brennan, James N. Boughey, Michael F. Lynch, Elmer R. Clark, Lewy W. Comes, Alex. Harkness Frank Seamen, Patrick Jeffrey, Timothy Murray, J. B. Nowlan, Steven Havran, John Elligett, Daniel McInerney, Thomas Keenan, Patrick Fisher, Charles W. Hurd, Martin Lauf, Andrew G. Brown, Chauncey H. Butler, John H. Collins, George A. Davis, Patrick Keating, John E. Rooney, John E. Paul, Fanton W. Beers, John Redway, Peter J. Ward, James Kinnane, Edward Cunningham, Frederick H. Taylor, Thomas M. Saunders, Byron W. Crane, Theophilus Abieniste, Frank L. Wildman, Nicholas W. Barzin, Patrick Troy, Daniel Murphy, Thomas H. Allen, Barney Murphy, George T. Oakley, Clemens Beschle, John J. Callahan, Mrs. James D. Costello, Daniel Kearns, Albert S. Pearce, William Humphries, George Stuckey, John Keogh, William Clancy, James Dillon, J. H. Craft, Thomas Layhe, Owen A. Riley, Addison F. Hathaway, Albert Berg, Max Singerwald, Charles J. Flynn, William J. Weiseti, James Whitney, W. A. Brennan, Charles Smith.

EDITORIALS

By

SAMUEL GOMPERS

A very serious misconception is presented by Mr. Harris Weinstock in an article entitled "Justifying the Minimum Wage," recently published in The Industrial Outlook. In discussing the brief by Rome G. Brown in the Oregon minimum wage case, Mr. Weinstock said:

TRADE UNION-
ISM, PROGRESS
AND LIBERTY

"Mr. Brown points out that organized labor is opposed to the principle of establishing the rate of wages by legislation. I know that to be true but organized labor takes this position, not because it is opposed to the minimum wage, since organized labor itself wherever possible establishes a minimum wage, but it is opposed to such wage being fixed by legislation for the reason that it wants labor to be obligated to unionism for bettering wages rather than to the state. Union leaders have pointed out that if the state is to shorten hours and increase wages, there would be no need for workers to join unions, and therefore union leaders are opposed to the state's robbing unionism of its claim for membership."

This assertion is one of those partial truths that have done so much injustice to the purposes and motives of organized labor. It is intended to create the impression that members of organized labor are actuated by wholly selfish motives when they warn workers against giving control over their working lives into the hands of "public functionaries."

It is quite true that organized labor holds unionism of supreme importance in securing the betterment of the workers. Trade unionists do not underestimate the value of humanitarian legislation, but they hold that things inseparably associated with liberty are properly the subject for voluntary control by those concerned and not state action which represents the collective power of society.

Those things which are a concern and an obligation to society as a whole are properly matters for action by the state. So far as the people are concerned laws should secure them freedom to seek their own welfare and opportunity for initiative.

For workers, the working time constitutes and determines the conditions of their real existence. The prime of their life's vigor, the fullness of their strength and their creative ability are given to the shop, the factory, and the mine. The hours of labor, the conditions of work, and the pay for work are the keys to controlling the lot of those who toil, for these are the important elements in working contracts.

Under the present organization of industry, individuals have found that singly they are unable to make contracts that secure them protection and fair wages, but that collectively they approach economic equality with employers and therefore secure fairer contracts.

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