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guardian fylphs of Belinda ; but, surely, there is something ladicroos in the introduction of this poem :
“ re guardian spirits of the RURAL 'SQUIRE!” We have been thus free in our observations, because we cannot overlook in Mr. Polwhele what might safely be suffered to escape animadversion in bards of inferior note ; but from great powers we are authorized to expect great effects. The English Gentleman has certainly much merit, but attention to the maxims of Horace would, we are persuaded, have fupplied the means of improvement :
"Luxuriantia compefcet," &c.
Art. XV. Sketches in Verse, with Profe Illustrations. By Mr.
Polwhele. 8vo. Pp. 156. Price 6s. Cadell and Davies, Lon
THESE poems are certainly (what Mr.Polwhele modestly calls them) sketches ; they exhibit, however, many strokes of a master-hand. Of the first ode addressed to the Prince of Wales, the beginning is highly poetical
“ While anarchy uprears her form,
Where war hath heap'd his hills of Nain." In the Highland Ode, also, which follows the imagery, derived from the character and superstitions of the country, is appropriate and striking. The volume, however, contains many things, which, (as Mr. Polwhele professes to have written them extemporaneously,) are greatly inferior to these. Of this description are " The Cambridge Professor, much given to punning, "-"ThePilchardSeine, "and the lines written at W— Lodge in Devon: that they were written ftans pede in uno, will, probably, not be admitted as a sufficient motive for their publication. The Ode to Lord Dunftanville is, of a much superior cast, and abounds with bold and beautiful personifications.
The following stanza, alluding to Lord Dunftanville's conduct during the insurrection of the Cornish miners, will enable our seaders to judge of the spirit of the whole ode.
“ Yes, when insulting round Cornubia's coaft,
Art. XVI. Neutrality of Prusia. Translated from the German.
8vo. Pp. 51. Price is. Wright, London. 1799.
of foreign politics with attention, and gives much falutary advice to those potentates, who, ftill fascinated by French principles, or in. timidated by French power, observe a disgraceful neutrality, which favours the views of their common enemy. He strenuously and energetically exhorts Prussia and Austria to forego their former animoficies, and to sacrifice their respective jealousies, in order to oppose, with united strength, an unprincipled foe, who has publicly proclaimed his hatred to all Monarchs, and his determination to subvert all thrones. He points out to the King of Prussia his true interest, reminds him that his predecessor knew the French well, “and called them a band of robbers,” and cautions him against imitating the example of that Prince, (who, he tells us, “ to the last hour of his life, retained his averfion to the French,”) by rendering his sense of public duty subfervient to the gratification of personal animosity.
The author perfectly appreciates French principles, and the danger resulting from their propagation ; and he calls upon his countrymen to unite in resisting them, and, thereby, to imitate the conduct of the ancient Germans, who always forgot their private feuds and jealoufies, when they had to encounter a common enemy.
One chapter, entitled, “ Digression on an important Point,” is so applicable, in many respects, to a certain party in this country, and their advocates, that we are tempted to extract the whole of it.
“ If a new war in Germany should result from the present state of things, it is anxiously to be wished, that great attention may be shewn to an important circumftance, which has already been found of the most marked detirement to the common cause. It is anxiously to be hoped, that we shall not listen to the infinuations againft war, which are so prevalent in the writings and conversation of the day. The multitude, and even the declared adherents of the good cause, are more or less affected by reflections of that tendency. The hope I here express is not a new one; I recall the words of an aged Roman in the days of the Roman republic.
*" Licinius Craffus was sent to combat the insurgent flaves and their general Spartacus, who had been for three years the terror of the armies, and of Italy; and had defeated almost all the generals lent against them, and two consuls. L. Craffus, before his departure, addressed the senate, which was allembled, in the following manner :
“I have to speak on a point which will require some severe regulations. The declaimers of your affembly will raise their voices against me ; but I speak to Romans who set the public good above every other confideration, and who know that terror only can be a check on the wicked. One great cause of the misfortunes of the war is the opinion which is spread respecting it. The enterprises of rebeds are called the defence of the cause of liberty: their successes are told with adinifation, their valour extorts wishes for thǝir success. The ardour of the enemy is not only fo much the more exalted, but that of the Romans deprefled : we cannot meet our enemies with our usual confidence, when we believe them to be heroes who are maintaining a just caule. What warrior can turn his fpar against him
for whom his heart inclines? Our forefathers felt diferently from ourselves on these matters. Before war was declared, every martavowed his opinion, but whers once the senate had come to a resolution, private opinion gave way to public confiderations; the individual diftinguished himfelf only as interefted in the preservation of the state. To form feparate parties after the state had determined on the expediency of public measures, was then considered as the working of pride, and even as treason. This feparation from the opinion of the state is not tolerated nove even among the Gauls, in that country of trivolity and of party spirit.'
“L.Craflus proceeded to urge the senate to adopt effectual measures against those who thus favoured the enemy." The decree I recommend for that purpose,' added he, 'will produce neither discouragement nor alarm, but will inspire unity, and give unity of force. It is not becoming that the public good fhould suffer becaute men choose to indulge themselves in speaking lightly on political subjects. Be it your care, Romans, to conduct the war aganft the enemy in your city, and I will answer for the succefs of that with which I am charged against Spartacus. Be watchful that he be not informed of the ftate of our forces, before I arrive to lead them on; nor of our plans, before their execution ; and if you should judge it adviseable to send two of my legions into Spain, I earnestly entreat that he may not know it before I do."
• Thus spoke a Roman. With us in Germany the abuse of the press is a much more powerful, and more dangerous agent in the spreading of unwholesome opinions. With us, who are enveloped 'n wicked projects of disorder and revolution, unknown to the happier Romans; who live under monarchies, which are fometimes accused of being less friendly to liberty than republics are supposed to be ; with us it required that there should be the most unheard of, the moit extravagant freedom from all restraint, in conversation, in every mape which the press can aflume to mislead the publie; with a shameful and revolting predeliction for the measures and principles of the enemy, and with indifference towards the government under which we are born and are protected. In a word, the breath of these writers, if not now more violent than the revolutionary sparks which appear, is that which keeps the embers alive, and which will blow stronger as the confiagration spreads. It is, in truth, reason, and fhould be treated as such." Pp. 42, 47.
Art. XVII. Tax upon Income-Very necessary to be read by all Per.
fons, before they make their Return upon the Income Tax. Extract from an Account of certain poor Persons in London, who cannot pay their income Tax. With Observations, and a Plan for their Relief. Submitted to the Confideration of the Society for bet. tering the Condition and increasing the Comforts of the Poor, Svo. Pp. 32. Price is. Hatchard. London. 1799.
WE are here presented with an ironical lamentation on the misforinnes and calamities of persons who, under the indispensible necef
fity of keeping up large establishments, and incurring all the fashionable expences of the times, labour under an absolute incapacity to pay the Income Tax. On such a subject, a specimen is better than a come ment, and one of those hard cases will suffice to convey an adequate idea of the nature and spirit of this little tract, which is certainly written with ability, and calculated to answer a very good purpose.
“ Cafe the Firs. It is with extreme concern that I proceed to give a detail of the distrefles brought on a noble family, by the pressure of the times. The EARL of Horncastl.e, on the death of his father, came into a clear well-conditioned eftale of 10,0001. a year; he married an elegant and beautiful woman, by whom he has four high-spirited fons, and three lovely daughters.-This carries the appearance of happiness; but, alas! appearances are often deceitful.-Ilis rank obliges hin to have a very large eftabliment of watteful and diflatisfied servants; and, to
keep them in some degree of order, he has a maitre d'hotel, of whose character he does not even presume to have a favourable opinion. His eldest son, Lord Wantage's expences at the university, in finishing his domestic education and in preparing him for his travels, are beyond all conception : but that cannot be avoided in a seat of learning, where the very statutes provide so carefully for enhancing the diftinétion and expences of Noblemen; among the first of whom Lord Wantage has an unquestioned and legitimate place.—The three younger brothers are in the
first fet at Eton; where their pocket allowance alone exceeds the expence of the education of the twelve children of the late Earl of Horncastle:-but this cannot be avoided.
“ In London, Lady Horncastle's necessary engagements are so numerous, that The cannot do without a separate governess for each of her daughters. This, with the additional servants that they require, has obliged the family to move into a much larger house, than their circumstances would justity, if it was not an act of neceffity; and, in its consequence, has led to an increase of expence in balls, concerts, and other entertainments, for otherwise the advantages of a large house would be thrown away. Nothing, however, has been wanting in point of management, on my Lord's part. At Horncastle Park, great oeconomy is practised. The whole is farmed by the gardener. My Lord has dismissed his old steward; and has engaged a very sharp clever man, who knows the value of land; and who has doubled his rents at once, with the removal of only a few of the tenants. But even this has not answered; as the interest of an annually increasing mortgage has already exhausted all the improvement of rents.
“ Under these unfortunate circumstances, whatcan his Lordship do? He wishes to be the friend and the protector of his tenants, and nobody converses more willingly or more feelingly on the subject ; but, fo far from having the means, he is compelled to let his cottages be pulled down, his farm houses and buildings go to ruin, bis old tenants be dismissed, and his new ones driven to use their land ill in order to make up their rents, and all this by the hardship of the times.-My Lord is a philanthropist of the first order, and endowed with sentiments the most humane and benevolent;—but he, who is * obliged to spend more than his income, : cannot have the means of assisting and promoting the induftry and well-being of others, or of contributing to any of the funds which are forming for that purpose. This is hardship indeed, and mental suffering of an agonizing kind.”
“ All that his Lordship can do, he does. He talks very sensibly about the poor, and is ready to support any new bill, by way of experiment, that may be brought in, to make cottagers more frugal and more industrious. He would be detirous of doing even more if he could; especially if his income could be very greatly augmented, so as actually to exceed his necessary expenditure. But at present he has not even the means of paying the Income Tax, and has just been refused a pension that he solicited for that purpose; which is the more extraordinary, as his Lordship's grandfather was one of those who voted for the Hanover succession." Pp. 10.-14.
Art. XVIII. A Sermon on Death; prenched in the Parish Church
of St. Giles in the Fields, on Sunday, December 9, 1798. By the Rev. T. Deason. 8vo. Pp. 31. Price is. Hatchard,
FOR "OR our own comments on this discourse we shall substitute the ani.
madversions of a respectable correspondent, (contained in a letter
* “ I have given the circumstances of this case more at length, as they are applicable in a considerable degree to all the other classes of sufferers. In the others, I have only given an outline, which the reader's good sense will easily fill up." NO. XII. VOL. 111.
to the Editor,) whose sentiments respecting leEureships and probationary sermons are conformable with our own.
I must beg your indulgence, while I offer a few remarks on Lectureships, and the general copduct in obtaining them. LectureThips are an innovation in the Church of England ; they are unknown to the laws; they are too much an indulgence of itching hearers and diffenting principles. Lectureships, in many particulars, are great and increasing evils, but I rejoice that the evil is not spread much beyond the metropolis. They are often nurseries of fchifm, and introduce a motley compound of Diffenters, Methodists, and Republicans, into the Church of England, sometimes, in opposition to the Rector, the proper proprietor of the church. The means of obtaining these marks of popular favour are often fcandalous in the extreme. A clergyman may be tempted to speak smooth things, or very foolish things, to please the people. Very lately, in a populous parih in the wett part of the town, public-houses were opened for inore than two months before the election, to treat the pious and worthy voters. The violent and scandalous conduct, at another election, must not soon be forgotten, when the electors came to the church, hallowing and hooting, in coaches; fome not the most sober, and one party bore these words chalked on their carriages—“Fand Jesus Christ for ever.”—Pudet hæc opprobria nobis, &c.
If, then, our superiors are invested with power, in the name of religion, of common sense, and common decency, let them exert it. Let no Rector ever suffer a probationary sermon to be preached in his church, on any pretence whatever. The Rector of Newington has lately set a worthy example; an example approved by his metropolitan, and such as, I hope, his brethren will follow in checking this evil and innovation.
Can any thing be more degrading to the clerical character than canvassing about, from house to house, for a lectureship, except it be the preaching a probationary fermon? The audience thero fit as judges. Men of the lowest description, tinkers and taylors, are to decide on the merit, the excellency, the doctrine, and the piety, of clergymen. If on Foddon oux ayatos, I think it will equally follow, or Tomos oux dopou, to speak with all possible respect of the Majefty of the People. The remark of a great man might be made by some of our popular preachers. “Have I said any foolish thing that the people lo much admire ?"
These remarks were suggested by reading a probationary fermon, lately preached at St. Giles's in the Fields.
Mr. Deason says, (p. 8,) that so much depends on their choice (even your own salvation, perhaps.) If we understand this remark, it implies, that their eternal falvation was endangered, unless they elected him.-" The Lord hath spoken to his people, charged with death, he hath inade bare his arm for their inttruction.” (p. 8.) Is there
any meaning in these words ? If there be, it is false. “GOD made not death."- Mercy and justice are the two great attributes