had been returned to the Marquis Wellesley; but that the proposition which he had made had been rejected with any thing of personal animosity, was an idea which he trusted the House and the country would dismiss altogether. Such an idea was now, he trusted, dismissed from the breast of the noble marquis himself; for as he (the marquis) had declared that he would never again, under any circumstances, serve under his departed friend Mr Perceval, as well might he (Lord C.) accuse the noble marquis of having cherished a feeling of animosity against that illustrious character, as he (the marquis) could accuse him (Lord C.) and his colleagues of such a feeling from their recent conduct. No feeling was more distant from their mind, nor more abhorrent to their nature, than a feeling like that which he had described on such an occasion. With respect to the late negociations he would say, that if there were in the first instance difficulties in forming an administration, those difficulties must have been always increased when the negociations were exposed in their progress to the observations of the critic. Parliament had no reason to be afraid of such negociations being privately carried on.He declared, that in the English history, a proceeding so sudden, with so short a notice, was not to be found as that which they had lately seen, when the House decided, not against a government who by their own immediate and direct conduct had proved themselves unworthy of confidence, but against an administration, of which the formation was but in progress. He hoped their conduct, in this instance, would form a precedent which future parliaments would never follow.-A great deal had been said of the unconstitutional conduct of the administra tion, because each member of the cabinet would be left to act in his indivi

dual character on the catholic question; but really he did not see that there were any grounds for all the horror expressed by his right honourable friend and the gentlemen opposite. The gentlemen opposite who were so much struck with this arrangement, on looking more closely into the business would find that it was only a plagiarism on their own conduct. In Lord Grenville's administration, though the catholic question was a cabinet measure, it was allowed to two of the cabinet (Lords Sidmouth and Ellenborough) to defend their own opinions, which were in opposition to the concession; and he hoped the present government might be sheltered under the wing of such a precedent from the charge of venturing upon new principles. For himself he felt perfectly at liberty to take any course on the catholic question which his judgment might dictate; and he had no hesitation in saying, he should be willing to go into a discussion on that subject with any man in or out of that House, that seemed to promise to lead to any practical and beneficial result. Adverting to the point on which the last negociation, that of the Earl of Moira, had broken off, he would say, (though he would be the last man to impute any thing of disrespect to the crown on the part of either of the noble lords,) that the point for which they had contended, though he would never say that it ought to be placed on any footing distant from other political arrangements, had never been contended for as in the present instance, prior to the discussion of the other arrangements. It was clear Lord Moira had understood this to be the subject of after consideration, as he had declared, that it was impossible for him to concur in making the exercise of power over the household officers, a positive and indispensable condition in the formation of a government.' The subject had unfortu

nately been taken up in a tone fof harshness which the country would never countenance in those who approached the throne.

"And now all I have to say for ministers," concluded the noble lord, "is, that they claim the constitutional support of parliament, till their actions seem to speak them unworthy of it; and though the present government may not possess within itself all those attributes which we have heard given to broad and extended administrations, they have at least one recommendation to public confidence (and it is not a small one,) that they have no disunion among themselves. We have no private ends to answer; we are all anxious to serve our country, to do our best, and to submit our conduct to the judgment of parliament."

This excellent speech had a great effect; the House and the country were tired of the late proceedings; the motion of Mr Wortley was negatived by a great majority; and the ministers were fully established in power.

An impartial review of these transactions will enable every man to form an opinion as to the views and conduct of the different competitors for power. We find Lords Grey and Grenville, in the first instance, breaking off the negotiation with Marquis Wellesley because a sufficient share of influence was denied them; yet, out of a cabinet of thirteen persons, they were to have the recommendation of a majority, including Lords Moira and Erskine. They afterwards refused to negociate with Lord Moira, because he would not accede to their condition of dismissing the household officers; because he would not consent that his royal master should be deprived of the companions of his private hours, on the pretence of a secret influence, of which much had been said, but nothing proved; and, finally, because he would not submit to the humiliation of con

ceding that as a preliminary, which the noble lords well knew would at all events have followed as a consequence of their accession to power. The maintenance of the dignity of the sovereign-the protection of the crown against usurpation, is essential to the welfare both of the prince and the people; and the firmness and fidelity of the Earl of Moira upon this occasion, will entitle him to the lasting gratitude of his country. The grounds upon which the whig lords refused to accept of office, after every thing politically important had been conceded to them-after an offer had been made them of powers, the exercise of which they deemed essential to the salvation of the country, gave some countenance to charges which had been often made against them by their enemies; and they were, without a murmur, except among their own adherents, allowed to betake themselves to retirement.

The Marquis Wellesley stood in a different situation. He had committed errors; he had pleaded guilty to a dereliction in some degree of the duty which he owed the public, by continuing to act on principles which he disapproved; he had vainly indulged the hope of uniting with men with whom his whole political life had been at variance; he had, through negligence, allowed a publication to appear, which we have his own authority for saying that he deeply regretted; and he had hastily charged to “dreadful personal animosities" sentiments which were the result of the most honourable feelings. But his character for energy and talent stood high with the country; and his exclusion from power was sincerely regretted. The refusal of Mr Canning, whose brilliant talents were so highly admired, to accept of office, was no less lamented by the ministers than by the country.

The conduct of the ministers in the course of the negociations seems de

serving of approbation. They did not obtrude their services on the country, but retired with a modesty which might have been advantageously imitated in other quarters; and so long as the negociations depended, they not only put themselves entirely out of consideration, but gave every facility which their principles and feelings would permit to the arrangements so anxiously desired. A sense of duty, however, called for a change of conduct on their part when the negocia tions had failed, and when it became apparent that without their interposition the prince and the country must have been exposed to great difficulties. They knew when it was their duty to step forward; they hesitated not to encounter the awful responsibility which belonged to a crisis so momentous; they had no other object but the service of their country; and their ability to serve it with advantage was soon acknowledged throughout Eu

be unequivocally declared, and as the parliament was drawing towards its natural termination, they wisely resolved on making an immediate appeal to popular opinion in the manner which is authorised by the constitution. The parliament was accordingly dissolved: and while their enemies hailed this measure with shouts of triumph, the ministers waited with silent confidence the result of the election. Their opponents affected to see the overthrow of the government in the issue of this experiment; and resorted to every art for counteracting the general popularity which the ministers were fast acquiring. But the hopes of the opposition were still disappointed: Sir Samuel Romilly was unfortunate at Bristol, and Mr Brougham, after a warm contest, was obliged to yield to Mr Canning at Liverpool. The friends of the opposition had the same fortune in various other quarters, and the influence of the whigs seemed to experience a rapid decline; while the ministers derived a great accession of strength from an experiment which it was predicted would disappoint all their expectations, and prove fatal to the sta bility of their power.

Ir is a circumstance no less singular than unfortunate, that Ireland, with the great capacity which she unquestionably has for improvements of every kind, and the ample means which she possesses of adding to the power and prosperity of the empire, should hitherto, on almost every occasion, when the energies of the country were to be called forth, have proved an obstacle in many respects to their vigorous developement. With a luxuriant and fertile soil, considerable wealth and a numerous population, at once adventurous and brave, instead of contributing much to the general strength in the greatest exigencies of the empire, she has too often presented the most serious obstructions to the proceedings of government. The truth is, that Ireland has never yet been without much deep and alarming discontent; that her citizens have been incessantly urging claims upon the government, which have given rise to much intemperate discussion, and that so far from considering her alliance with England as an advantage, many of the most da ring and active of her people have been busily employed in devising means by which a separation might be accomplished. It is the misfortune of the

Irish nation, that while the more ambitious and intriguing of the middle ranks are perpetually engaged in fomenting discord, the lower orders, who are without wealth or education, become an easy prey to all classes of adventurers; their ignorance and credulity are easily imposed on, and their ardent spirits and ill-regulated minds are seduced without difficulty into adventures the most hazardous, and even into projects the most atrocious. It may seem strange, that, situated in the immediate neighbourhood of a great and enlightened country, enjoying all the advantages of an easy and intimate intercourse with it, and possessing, as Ireland now does, all the benefits of a political union with a people far advanced in wealth and knowledge, she should still exhibit so many deplorable symptoms of a barbarism, which, under her present system, seems to be nearly incurable. Great faults have no doubt been committed by the people, and great crimes by the demagogues, who are always at work to agitate the public mind; but the very success of such attempts, and the disposition shewn by the people to second them, afford a strong presumption that there is something in the political state