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told that even the the most superstitious of the Hindoos have no knowledge of those transactions of 800 years ago; but, as regards the mass of the Hindoos, that must greatly diminish their belief in our conscientious attachment to our own faith which sets up their superstitious idolatry, as the object of respect and almost of reverence. These matters in the proclamation are not, as I consider, simple and insulated blunders. They certainly do alarm one as regards the general calm, sober, and judicious conduct of the present Governor of India. That noble Lord is doubtless a man of considerable talent, a man who took an active part with others in the Cabinet and House of Lords, where he gave proofs of those talents; but when a man is placed in the extraordinary and almost awful situation of Governor of India, where so many millions of inhabitants and so much of the power of this great country are intrusted to his hands, it requires more than a common degree of judgment, more than common exoneration from the temptation of vanity to carry on that government in a manner calculated to satisfy his country that that empire is in no danger. . I need not say any thing respecting the original expedition into Afghanistan, as an honourable Gentleman has given notice of a motion on the subject. The question, too, was discussed last year, when my right honourable Friend the member for Nottingham made an excellent speech in reference to that expedition. When it comes before the House again we shall be quite ready to enter into the discussion of it. For my part, I shall shrink from no responsibility that may

belong to me respecting the conduct of Lord Auckland. In adverting next to the Ashburton treaty, Lord J. Russell blamed Lord Ashburton for ultimately conceding what in his first dispatch to Mr. Webster he said could not be conceded, as the Madewaska settlement. The Americans believed in the justice of their claim, we in ours. As for war, we had no more reason to be apprehensive of it than they. We had great reluctance to go to war; so had the United States; and we had both the same reasons for wishing to avoid it. The circumstances, therefore, having been equal, the settlement ought to have been equal. He considered that in one respect, though not in others, the choice of Lord Ashburton was unfortunate. Of his talents, his long experience, his knowledge of this country and of America, no one could be ignorant; but in 1838, Lord Ashburton, after a two days' previous notice in the other House of Parliament, gave a very elaborate opinion not only respecting the colonies in general, but Canada in particular. He stated it to be his opinion, that no wise man could expect Canada to belong to this country for more than twenty years. He (Lord J. Russell) could not but think that some such feeling must have swayed him in consenting to such a boundary. He believed that the hold of this country upon Canada depended upon two things, giving the Canadians a constitutional government, which he thought the Government had done; and giving them proof that the Queen of this country would be ever ready to employ, as far as possible, the resources and means of the empire in their defence against any foreign enemy whatever. It was a part of such a duty to secure them a good boundary. With respect to Domestic Af. fairs, Lord John Russell said, that experience of the new Corn Law had confirmed him in the opinion that a moderate fixed duty would be the best system upon which to carry on our trade in corn : “I so that the operation of the sliding scale is, by the largeness of duty, to keep up a quantity of torn in this country, and then let it Out at particular times, when the Consumers are so much in want of it, and when it is obvious that the farmers would be injured by the sale of so vast a quantity. It is as if a gardener, instead of watering his garden, waited for

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* the appearance of a great deal of it rain, and only began the process of go watering as soon as the showers to began to descend. In the early i: Art of the year we had the high !!! Writes of 60s, and 61s., with no go great introduction of foreign corn; to utin August, when a favourable o havest was about to be reaped, go! All when this country could enjoy to the benefit of it, then you had yo more than 2,000,000 quarters of to oth and wheat flour admitted into the markets. The markets were Wol then depressed for the time to o; tıme, the people suffering from & want ofbread did not get relief, and

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- I cannot onceive that the right hon Baroto notis determined to maintain this

law. Nothing which I heard from him to night at all persuades me that it is his intention permanently to abide by that law. I recollect the principles laid down by the right hon. Baronet last year. They applied to the articles of the tariff, but not to the corn laws. The Secretary of State for the Home Department said that he did not consider the corn law a final measure.”

He observed that the Minister had reduced his supporters to this difficulty; that they were obliged to vindicate the Tariff on principles of free competition, and the Corn Laws on principles of protection. Last year, the Anti-Corn-Law League (to whose opinions he did not subscribe) would have been content with an 8s. fixed duty; and would it not have been for the interest of Farmers, if there had been no such powerful body as the League agitating the country P He next touched upon the Income Tax; waiving general arguments against it, and addressing himself to abuses in its administration. There had been the old ad captandum statement that persons of incomes under 150l. a-year were not to pay the tax. “Why I have heard of several cases of persons having 30l., 40l., or 50l. a-year in the funds, from whom the tax is deducted at the Bank in the first instance, and when they complain you tell them ‘Oh, they may recover it.’ Why, here is the case of a poor widow I heard of yesterday who lives at Boulogne, and who having had the tax deducted in this way, upon complaining was told that if she will come over and be examined before some board, her case will be taken into consideration. But she is “to to appear before this

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told that even the the most superstitious of the Hindoos have no knowledge of those transactions of 800 years ago; but, as regards the mass of the Hindoos, that must greatly diminish their belief in our conscientious attachment to our own faith which sets up their superstitious idolatry, as the object of respect and almost of rewerence. These matters in the proclamation are not, as I consider, simple and insulated blunders. They certainly do alarm one as regards the general calm, sober, and judicious conduct of the present Governor of India. That noble Lord is doubtless a man of considerable talent, a man who took an active part with others in the Cabinet and House of Lords, where he gave proofs of those talents; but when a man is placed in the extraordinary and almost awful situation of Governor of India, where so many millions of inhabitants and so much of the

ower of this great country are intrusted to his hands, it requires more than a common degree of judgment, more than common exoneration from the temptation of vanity to carry on that government in a manner calculated to satisfy his country that that empire is in no danger. . I need not say any thing respecting the original expedition into Afghanistan, as an honourable Gentleman has given notice of a motion on the subject. The question, too, was discussed last year, when my right honourable Friend the member for Nottingham made an excellent speech in reference to that expedition. When it comes before the House again we shall be quite ready to enter into the discussion of it. For my part, I shall shrink from no responsibility that may

belong to me respecting the conduct of Lord Auckland. In adverting next to the Ashburton treaty, Lord J. Russell blamed Lord Ashburton for ultimately conceding what in his first dispatch to Mr. Webster he said could not be conceded, as the Madewaska settlement. The Americans believed in the justice of their claim, we in ours. As for war, we had no more reason to be apprehensive of it than they. We had great reluctance to go to war; so had the United States; and we had both the same reasons for wishing to avoid it. The circumstances, therefore, having been equal, the settlement ought to have been equal. He considered that in one respect, though not in others, the choice of Lord Ashburton was unfortunate. Of his talents, his long experience, his knowledge of this country and of America, no one could i. ignorant; but in 1838, Lord Ashburton, after a two days’ previous notice in the other House of Parliament, gave a very elaborate opinion not only respecting the colonies in general, but Canada in particular. He stated it to be his opinion, that no wise man could expect Canada to belong to this country for more than twenty years. He (Lord J. Russell) could not but think that some such feeling must have swayed him in consenting to such a boundary. He believed that the hold of this country upon Canada depended upon two things,-giving the Canadians a constitutional government, which he thought the G0vernment had done; and giving them proof that the Queen of this country would be ever ready to employ, as far as possible, the resources and means of the empire in their defence against any foreign enemy whatever. It was a part of such a duty to secure them a good boundary. With respect to Domestic Af. fairs, Lord John Russell said, that esperience of the new Corn Law had confirmed him in the opinion that a moderate fixed duty would le the best system upon which to Carry on our trade in corn : “I so that the operation of the sliding stale is, by the largeness of duty, to keep up a quantity of torn in this country, and then let it out at particular times, when & the tonsumers are so much in want o of it, and when it is obvious that to the farmers would be injured by the sale of so vast a quantity. It is as if a gardener, instead of watering his garden, waited for the appearance of a great deal of rain, and only began the process of Watering as soon as the showers began to descend. In the early

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jol harvest was about to be reaped, * All when this country could enjoy the benefit of it, then you had no more than 2,000,000 quarters of With and wheat flour admitted into the markets. The markets were then depressed for the time to time, the people suffering from o! Alofbread did not get relief, and #! the operation of the sliding scale § was such that the speculator was o ruled by not getting his expected so o the farmer was injured by * *low-pite competing with him, iso Mile the Consumer did not get the to benefit which he ought to have had o many months before, . I cannot jo outlooghthon Bo ** not is determined to maintain this

law. Nothing which I heard from him to night at all persuades me that it is his intention permanently to abide by that law. I recollect the principles laid down by the right hon. Baronet last year. They applied to the articles of the tariff, but not to the corn laws. The Secretary of State for the Home Department said that he did not consider the corn law a final measure.” He observed that the Minister had reduced his supporters to this difficulty; that they were obliged to vindicate the Tariff on principles of free competition, and the Corn Laws on principles of protection. Last year, the Anti-Corn-Law League (to whose opinions he did not subscribe) would have been content with an 8s. fixed duty; and would it not have been for the interest of Farmers, if there had been no such powerful body as the League agitating the country P He next touched upon the Income Tax; waiving general arguments against it, and addressing himself to abuses in its administration. There had been the old ad captandum statement that persons of incomes under 150l. a-year were not to pay the tax. “Why I have heard of several cases of persons having 30l., 40l., or 50l. a-year in the funds, from whom the tax is deducted at the Bank in the first instance, and when they complain you tell them ‘Oh, they may recover it.’ Why, here is the case of a poor widow I heard of yesterday who lives at Boulogne, and who having had the tax deducted in this way, upon complaining was told that if she will come over and be examined before some board, her case will be taken into consideration. But she is

required to appear before this board, and to stand the buffetting of a number of clerks and officers, all anxious, of course, to get as much tax as possible. Now wh should persons be held liable to be examined in this way who are so old or infirm as not to be able to endure this kind of hurry and buffeting 2 The consequence is, the tax is never reclaimed in such cases. I call this confiscation, because the tax in such cases is not collected as the law directs, the income of the parties who pay being under 150l. a year, and I think that the tax ought not to be so collected. But then, again, there is the case of persons of more easy property, who have property in houses for instance, and with respect to them, I have heard of one surveyor who said that he made it a rule to put on 20 per cent. to the returns made him. Another grievance is, that numbers of people find that having made an honest return, a surcharge is nevertheless made, and upon complaint they are told the remedy is, that they may go to Clerkenwell (or some country town if they live in the country), and so get redress. The consequence is, that many do not attempt it: indeed, the surcharge is made in the confidence that they will not. Every means ought to be taken to diminish the abuses in the administration of the tax. He was not satisfied with the way in which the Queen's Speech alluded to the disturbances in the manufacturing districts; there was much in those disturbances which showed on the part of the people conduct deserving of admiration. “If you recollect that ther were thousands of people who had suffered for three years very great privations, assembled from their

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workshops and factories, while there was no force at hand to control them for three days—if you recollect this, and recollect that propositions were made to them to join the Chartists and to overturn the Constitution, urged with all the inflammatory arguments that reckless demagogues could suggest, and that the people of their own mind, and without any influence from without, refused to listen to any inflammatory proposals, and returned to their work peaceably after having been out of work for so long—if you recollect these things, I must say I think some degree of respect and admiration is due to the people who exhibited such conduct. I can see no such feeling displayed in the Speech.” He concluded with a hope that the House would soon give a pledge that it would enter upon an investigation of the causes of the distress with a view to find practical remedies for great practical grievances. Sir C. Napier condemned Lord Ashburton's treaty. Mr. Wallace was sure the Speech would be received with dissatisfaction in every quarter of the kingdom. Lord Stanley, after bestowing a few words on Mr. Wallace, addressed himself to the speech of Lord John Russell, whom he blamed for a premature introduction of the questions connected with Afghanistan. He would, however, now declare, that it was the intention of the Ministers, on the approaching motion for a vote of thanks, to claim for Lord Ellenborough a share in the honour of our Indian successes. There might be faults to be found with the taste of particular phrases,

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