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of the session have passed away, and, in congressional districts into which it is proposed
the mean time, Mr. Clay had introduced his to divide the State. The saving in the tax of
resolution, which drew from the opponents of each city, county, town, or village may be easi
the system, an able and interesting debate. Af-ly ascertained, as it will be one dollar for each
ter both parties, the advocates and the oppo- soul; that is, about $40,000 to each of the New
nents of he system had developed their views, York counties, and at $50,000 to the city of Al-
and not until then, the Secretary, came in with bany. The saving therefore of the Secretary's
his project, which his partisans assert is more scheme is palpable, obvious, and very benefi-
favorable to the manufacring interests, and at cial to the people.
the same time more acceptable to the south than "The second point secured by this scheme,
Mr. Clay's. But he is blind who does not see as I understand, is, of the $12,000,000 duties to
that the Secretary, finding Mr. Clay committed be collected, to place on the protected articles
in behalf of the manufacturing interest, has so high a rate of duty as to preserve all exist.
entered into a "judicious" competition with ing establishments and interests. In this part
him for that interest, looking entirely to the of his duty, as the Secretary is a tariff man, he
political relation of parties; whilst he openly adops the course of securing to the manufactur-
disregards the fundamental principles which he er a cheap raw material. If the manufacturers
himself assumes. His partisans well know that succeed, the growers of raw materials are in-
the south will not acquiesce in his scheme, and demnified in several ways: 1st, they, without
they afford at the same time the strongest proof the expense of foreign transportation, can sell
of his political trimming, of the injustice and their raw material here to our manufacturers as
inequality of his proposed compromise, and of high as foreigners can sell them after the ex-
Mr. Calhoun's disinterested devotion to his pense and risque of sending them long voyages
country, by assuming that he will be opposed by sea. 2d, our agriculturalist will furnish all
to the scheme. It is obvious that the tar ff af- articles for the consumption of our manufac
fords the greatest barrier to Mr. Calhoun's po- turers, as bread, meat, &c. 3d, our agricul-
litical preferment; because, living in the weak-turalists will be saved in the price of the arti-
er section, he becomes identified with the mi-cles they buy and consume, to the amount of
nority, and it is manifest that so long as that is many millions of dollars. The reduction of the
the controlling question, he cannot advance. general taxes $12,500,000, will operate to the
Were he more solicitous for his own promotion, advantage of every consumer. The anti-tariff
than to secure a fair and just equalization of the men will object to the Secretary's plan of mak-
public burdens, he would follow the example ing the duty on raw materials lighter than on
of Mr. McLane, and throw himself on the manufactured articles; but the real friends of
strongest interest. Having so strong an in-protection will admit that the Secretary has
ducement to do so, the anticipation, on the part avoided the anti-tariff provisions which they
of his political opponents, that he will not, is have often alleged were forced into the act of
at once a proof of the consciousness, on their 1828, by the votes of the anti-tariff men.
part, that it is wrong for him so to do, and that "After securing in this way all existing es
he has too much public virtue to purchase pre tablishments and interests, the Secretary, on
ferment by that wrong. While it also argues other articles, endeavors to place the duty for
that they are fully sensible of the injustice done revenue principally on the luxuries consumed
his section, and persevere in that injustice, be- by the rich, and lighter on necessaries consum
cause they know that it gives them the surested by the poor; and he has made a long list of
means of preventing his elevation.
articles consumed by all, free from taxation.
"On these principles, the Secretary has en-
deavored to adjust the revenue. The reduc-

We ask for these suggestions, a careful examination.

"WASHINGTON CITY, April 30.

tion will take place af er the public debt is paid. If we should complain that too much is "Dear Sir: The report and bill of the Se-proposed to be taken off on some and too little cretary of the Treasury are now printing by order of the House of Representatives. I have not examined it in detail, and can therefore on. ly speak of its general features.

on other articles, it should be borne in mind, that either these taxes must be reduced and the people saved $12,500,000, or the people must continue to pay these taxes; and the mo"Our present population may be stated inney levied in New York, must be taken to round numbers at 12,500,000. Our present taxes paid on imports $25,000,000, or two dollars for every man, woman, and child a year. New York has about 2,000,000, and pays at least 4,000,000 in taxes each year to the United States, besides all State, county, city, town, road, and other taxes.

make for others the rail-roads, canals, roads and bridges which the people of New York have made for themselves. The New England and other monopolists, will complain, because now if they pay us 6 or even 10 cents more for a pound of wool, they sell us the cloth made from this wool 50 or 100 cents dearer than they "The Secretary of the Treasury proposes to can after the taxes are reduced. All the wool, reduce the taxes on the part of the United four, and every thing else, New England States, one half, that is, from $25,000,000 to buys of New York, will not come to more than $12,500,000. To New York alone this will be the $2,000,000 extra taxes now proposed to be a saving in United States taxes of $2,000,000,or saved to that State. The nullifiers too will $50,000 to the citizens of each of the forty complain, because if this question cau once be

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settled in a reasonable manner, nullification, When I say that no attempt has been made disunion, and rebellion will be dead and buried. to wipe away this stain from the reputation of "Protection does not arise from the amount Andrew Jackson, I am not unacquainted with of the duty, but upon a comparison; for our the attempt to assail me by general abuse, unsurplus produtcs, over and above what we can der an anonymous signature in the palace chroconsume in the United States, amount each nicle. I have come before the public with a year to about $60,000,000. This we must send responsible name-I accuse a responsible perabroad and sell; and the payment must come son-and will not be diverted from my purhome in money and goods-and forever will pose by an irresponsible champion. If my ancome home. If every thing brought back as pay is tagonist solicits the privilege of a champion in taxed alike,it will come in those articles where- this arena, I am not so ungenerous as to deny it of the consumption is greatest; but if some to him, but that champion must not enter the things brou at back as pay, are taxed higher, lists with his beaver down-I must know who and others lower, it is natural that the imports he is, lest I might find myself engaged with which are the pay for our exports, should come one with whom any kind of contact is disgrace, back as far as possible in the articles not taxed be it in peace or war. or taxed lowest. While it is expected that the duty will be reduced, the imports will be as small as possible; for no man will import goods when the duty is high, if he knows that next month, or next year, the duty will be reduced. Great imports therefore cannot be expected this year, as Congress will probably pass a law reducing the duties for the next year."

.

COMMUNICATIONS, &c.

FOR THE UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH.

My object, in the present communication, is not to notice the falsehoods of the anonymous writer, or to defend a character which, from my youth upwards, in purity, may at least compare with that of General Jackson; nor to add proofs in support of specific charges against him, which have not been denied, but to vindicate myself from what I regard as a most serious imputation-that of having supported, aided, or countenanced the election of such a man to be the Chief Magistrate of this peaceful, enlight ened, and virtuous people. With the perfect knowledge which my opportunities enabled I have waited for some weeks, in order to me to possess, of his narrow, illiterate mind— see what defence or justification would be his want of all moral control over his violent, made by General Jackson or his friends, in re- arbitrary, and tyrannical temper, it would have lation to the very serious charges I have been inexcusable in me, as an honest man, to brought against him. I have stated facts, have contributed to bring such a misfortune on which stand undenied, and which must not on my country. I defy any one to produce a sinly affect his public but his private character. gle line ever written by me recommending He has been silent, and it is of no importance him to the Chief Magistracy, knowing him, as to inquire whether it is the silence of guilt or I did, to be unfit for a magistracy of any kind. of affected dignity. He is as responsible at the Can any one suppose that, if I had been a zeabar of public opinion, for injuries proper to lous co-operator in his elevation, or an indiscri be there redressed, as he is to the municipal minate eulogist of every thing done since, by laws for the infringement of the rights of the himself, or in his name, or was faithful to him, citizen. I charge him with having acted to- however false to my country, that he would wards me in a faithless and dishonorable manner, have seized the first opportunity to reinove me as well as with having been guilty of a gross from office? No; all who have marked his abuse of the high trust reposed in him, to be course, must say that this is impossible. He exercised not for the gratification of his pas-never could have considered me his political, sions, but for the good of the people. or rather personal partisan, and on no occasion When I picked up the small pebble from the have I ever spoken or written to him disrebrook, and prepared for the fearful encounter, spectfully of Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams, or of others I own it appeared almost hopeless, but I did it who have incurred his ferocious displeasure. in justice to my country. The delirious en-He thought there were others better suited to thusiasm has passed away, and the voice of his purposes, while, from my yielding and truth and justice may be heard. Instead of peaceful habits, he could tread upon me withbeing regarded as a second Washington, he out danger. has been nailed to the counter-A second Washington! as if such a thing were possible!

As well might we compare

A taper's glimmer to the sun's broad glare,
A pigmy ninepin to a pyramid.

The second Washington may be re-elected, from peculiar circumstances, by the vote of the south, at the very moment when it entertains for him the most profound contempt; but he will yet live to read the sentence which the truth and justice of history will be called to pronounce upon him.

The impression that I was an advocate for the General's election, has been produced by my publication on the subject of the Ordinances of Florida, which were never perfectly under. stood. It was intimated to me by a friend, that the General, on his electioneering visit to New Orleans, complained of my indifference, and spoke with some chagrin of my not defending him from attacks in relation to the or dinances, and the affair of Callava, and particularly as to the former, which were drawn up by me. I did not hesitate, on this intimation, to make the publication which I have said ope

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rated favorably on the General's election, al- or adopted from others, which was usually the though I disclaimed, at the time, all party case; and, to accomplish them, every barrier views, and avowed my predilection for Mr. must be prostrated. He would now abolish all Adams. It was treated by me as a matter of power-judicial, senatorial, or representative, history. unless it consented to become the echo of his The ordinances were intended to substitute arbitrary resolves. It is impossible for any hocivil officers for the police, in the place of sol-nest and independent man to be long near him, diers. The general would, no doubt, have been without finding that he must either advance his satisfied with the latter, but, being a man of opinions, submit in silence, or take his depar peace, I preferred the former, while he was, ture. Never was nature more true to her deperhaps, pleased to flourish as a legislator. In sign, than when she fashioned him for a tyrant; defending the ordinances, I was defending my- and if he had the power, he would use it." And self. His surrender of his military predilections yet, there is no man more liable to be used as was spoken of with praise, and, together with the instrument of the base and unprincipled,for the farewell address to the inhabitants of Flori- in one sense of the word he makes but little da, and the judicial opinion in the case of Inne-discrimination of persons. Every thing with him rarity, in which he is made to express a hope assumes a cast of personality: he cannot even that Congress would never again bestow such rise to the respectability of a party President. powers on any one, was brought forward to He pursues his enemies with a cruel vengeance, prove that he was no cormorant for power, but which knows no bounds, and is restrained by merely consented to bear it when placed upon no generosity, while he rewards his friends behim. I have reason to think well of those pro- cause he is rewarding himself. ductions, as I did of his correspondence with If I thought his election objectionable on the the Department of State, and with the Spanish score of tyrannical temper, and obduracy of authorities, and the various official reports in heart, it was still more so on account of his rerelation to the newly acquired territory. I have markable intellectual deficiencies. I have nesaid that I acted as the Secretary of General ver known any one, in a respectable public of. Jackson; but two other persons enjoyed the name and salaries of private and territorial secretaries. I had the pleasure of doing the business; they had the profit; and the General the glory. I afterwards received a trifling compen sation as translator of the Spanish language.

fice, so grossly illiterate. I could never find out what book, or science, or branch of literature, he had ever studied. Judging from what I witnessed, he never wrote a single official letter, repor, or answer to an address-these things, while I was with him, having been prepared for I shall never forget the evening when, in pre- him, with a very few exceptions, by me; and I sence of Mr. Henry Wilson and some other presume it must have been the case elsewhere, gentlemen, he took up a New York newspa-by persons who happened to be near. Hence per, in which he was mentioned as a probable the singular variety of styles, sentiments, and candidate for the office of President of the Uni-opinions, which his public papers display. It ted States. After reading it, he threw it down was not through indolence, or press of business, in anger: 'Do they think," said he, "that I am that this was done, but through incompetence. such ad-d fool as to think myself fit for the He has no knowledge, and he can pursue no President of the United States? No, Sir; 1 subject by a regular chain of reasoning. With know what I am fit for; I can command a body practical matters, with which he is acquainted, of men in a rough way, but I am not fit to be he displays more than ordinary industry and sa President." We were silent, but all gave him gacity; but this is not wisdom. He is formed credit, as I afterwards found, for this proof of for action, and for arbitrary command; quali good sense. He had resolved to retire from ties which are the opposite of those which fit public life, and pass the remainder of his days him even for the exercise of civil authority, unin peace and quiet on his farm. Well had it der our mild and peaceful institutions. been for him if this good resolution had been In this country, the President is but the carried into effect, and that he had never fallen prime minister of the nation-not a pageant, in with parasites, to persuade him that he was not a king, who can do no wrong; and he should called by a special providence to pay off the therefore be the first statesman in it. But would national debt, and eclipse the fame of Wash-fit not excite a smile for any prior administration ington! He would have occupied a respecta-to have called upon General Jackson to perble place on the page of history, as a fortunate form the duties of Secretary of State, to draw general, and the charity of his country would up despatches, conduct diplomatic corresponhave carefully concealed the withered and dence, and to make learned reports on various lighted leaves of his laurel. subjects? So conscious is he of his deficiency For my part, Imost sincerely wished him away even in the mechanical part of composition, fom Pensacola, being continually apprehensive spelling and syntax, that I have known him la that he would do some violent and unfortunate boriously to copy letters prepared for him, in act, that would require no little stretch of argu- order to send a decent autograph! I do not ment, and some stretch of conscience, to de-mean to insinuate that none of his ideas are to fend. He had, indeed, some good domestic be found in his public writings-sometimes too qualities; if he had not, he would have been a many of them are there, as is the case with his monster. But every thing must conform to his farewell address to the army, prepared by me, views, whether original conceptions of his own, (for various were the requisitions made upon

me while acting as his commissary of ideas,) which might as well have been given before where he so highly extols the flogging of sol- the unhappy affair had taken place. I ask, was diers, and so wantonly insults General Brown. it possible for me, with a knowledge of transSome are drawn from his conversation, and actions such as these, at the time spoken of, at some from rude and illiterate scraps; while Pensacola, (I can hardly say openly, for where others are made to suit the cast of his mind, and Jackson rules, there is always the fear of the others are prepared by a carte blanche, like his tyrant in men's minds,) to become a warm farewell address to the people of Florida. An- and zealous advocate for the elevation of Gen. other instance, which I do not give on good au. Jackson to the chief civil magistracy of a peacethority, is that of a note addressed to Mr. Van Buren, requesting him to reply to the letter of General Bustamente, (who, i believe, is no general, with the frankness of a soldier.) I think it very questionable whether his literary productions will ever be collected into volumes, for the delight and edification of mankind.

ful and virtuous people? And this, I fear, is the real cause of my offending. I thought it impossible for him to conduct our affairs without violent outbreakings and disturbances of some kind or other.

I feared that, the election of General Jackson would neither add to his fame nor happiness. I have said that he possesses the talent for I feared that he would soon be involved in the command; and there is no doubt that he thinks same kind of personal conflicts which had ever he has a right to rule in Washington, as he marked his career. 1 feared that he would not might in a camp, or on board of a ship of war. select the best advisers; and that, if by chance But the American citizens are not mercenary he did, he would not hearken to them; for it soldiers or sailors. He is essentially a fighting is the propensity of his nature to assimilate man, and every thing around him must take with those of a different kind. He is but an the complexion of his predominant qualities; indifferent distinguisher of real merit and tathat is, there must be fighting, and quarrelling, lents; the most abject and unprincipled flatand violence. It has never been otherwise terer being generally preferred. From having wherever he has been. What a singular lucus associated and acted with him; from having a non lucendo have we in the name he has giv-contributed to make him up, believing him to en to his abode in Tennessee! I should as possess at least the qualities of honesty and sinsoon expect to see Mars himself quit his cha. cerity, mixed, however, with lamentable deriot and his Belona, to become an anchorite. fects of character, my feelings were personally He has had the good fortune to have been de- friendly to him. But I have been deceived, fended by ingenious advocates; but there are even in the few good qualities I supposed him but few of his friends who would not have re to possess. Yet, I had great confidence in the joiced that the occasions had not occurred. To almost self-moving principle of our political his defenders, it might have been said, it is well, machine, and thought it almost impossible that but would it not have been better, if these its movement could be deranged by any hand. things had never happened? I will give an With so many checks, I thought it impossible instance of his love of peace and "moral rule." for the Executive to exert an arbitrary despotic It is well known, that his power in Florida was power, even within the sphere of its discretion. that of an absolute despot, and not a mere limit. And this could never have been the case with ed despotism, which renders him so uneasy in any but a military idol, whom the people, in bis present situation. His fiat was sufficient to their goodness of heart, have mistaken for a imprison, to banish, to cut off, any one who second Washington; and in whom they exdared to offend him. Yet, in the plenitude of pected to find a sage, an exemplary magis this power, he permitted a fatal duel to be trate, and an enlightened statesman. Strange fought in Pensacola, in the most public and as it may seem, I have heard some of the polinotorious manner, when a single word from tical friends of Gen. Jackson boast, that he could him wou d have prevented it! I allude to the do things that no other man in the nation dare unfortunate affair of Hull and Randal, two young do! This has been but too true. officers; the former just then reformed; the After the election of General Jackson, I other still in the army. Randal came from Ba- wished him success most sincerely. I was no ton Rouge, on purpose, it was generally said, partisan of Mr. Clay, or of Mr. Adams.—I was to draw a challenge from Hull, who had thrown not a Jackson man, because I was no man's out threats against him. The challenge was man. I considered it my right, nay, the very accordingly given by Hull; the duel took place, jewel of my liberty, as an American, to enjoy Dr. Bronaugh, the bosom friend of General and to express my free thoughts-a right so of Jackson, acting as physician. I was present fensive to tyrants. I still wrote to the General when the Doctor returned to communicate the as to a friend; and, perhaps, in order to infuse result to the General, who was waiting impa- into his mind some salutary principles, wrote tiently to hear it. Poor Hull was shot through to him as if he really were what I wished him the heart; his pistol, which was a hair trigger, to be. I wished him to be the PRESIDENT had stopped at half cock. The General was OF THE NATION, and not the tool of a parmuch displeased. "D--n the pistol!" said he; ty, under whatever name, federalist, democrat, "by G--d, to think that a brave man should or republican. His situation would have perrisk his life on a hair trigger!" He was suffi-mitted him to be so, but unfortunately his prociently generous not to arrest Randal, but gave pensities would not. The praise which I gave him an intimation instantly to quit the town, him in advance was never earned. The reor

ganization of his cabinet gave me some hope; and if he would be content to sit, and snuff up the incense offered to him, affairs might yet do well; but this is impossible; he must be in mischief, either for his own gratification or that of others.

Les lois etaient sans force-les droits confondus,
Ou plutot en efect, Valois ne regnost plus-
Tel brille a second rang, qui s'eclipse au pre-
mier;

Il devint lashe roi, d'intrepide querrier.
H. M. BRACKENRIDGE.

FROM THE VIRGINIA TIMES.

The reader is referred to our correspon dents for an account of the proceedings at Washington. It will be seen that the promises which have been made, and the hopes which have been despairingly entertained, in regard to Mr. McLane's report, have all, as we expected, vanquished into thin air. What is to, be done?

It was not long after his election before all my fears were realized. The abominable proscription, for opinion's sake, different only in degree from that of Scylla, struck me, as it struck every reflecting man in the Union, with horror. I saw in it the worst propensities of despotism, and the worst forms of corruption. I saw that, for the future, elections for the Presidency would become despicable scrambles for The question is forced upon us— office; that offices would cease to be sought by What is to be done? Shall we lay down our men of worth and ability, and that the country, arms, and capitulate at discretion? Shall we instead of having the services of its best and give up the cause and the Constitution, and ablest citizens, to which it is entitled, would leave the lives, liberties, and property of the have to put up with such as the trade of politi-people to the unlimited control of an irresponcians might be pleased to give them. I saw,sible majority in Congress? Or shall we take in the foggy message prepared by Mr. Van Bu- our stand on the watch towers of State soveren, that the vulgar notion of rotation in office reignty, and, as Jefferson said to his friends in was recommended, by which patronage is tak the legislature of '98, 'perish in the last ditch? en from the people, and placed in the hands of The issue is made up, and matters the most mothe professed demagogue. I was shocked at mentous are involved in it. Shall we foolishly the unfair and dishonest attack upon the Bank and madly war against shadows? inflaming the of the Uni ed States. In the falsehood and fol- passions, and exciting the strife of parties, for ly of the assertions of the message, pronounced the ignoble ends of personal ambition, while such by the almost unanimous vote of the Sen-wave after wave of federal usurpation is wash ate and House of Representatives, I saw the seeds of decay in this administration. The present cabinet is but too fully sensible of the fatal error proceeding from the ignorance of Jackson, and acted upon by the art of Van Buren. The object of Van Buren was to put down the Bank of the United States, placed in Philadelphia, in order that another bank might be lifted up in the city of New York, untram melled by any control out of the State; for no one can seriously believe that there was any thing rational or practicable in the proposed government bank, a project, whose only merit was that of possessing one of the requisites of the subling-obscurity. Destroy the present Oh, Virginia! whither hast thy unconquer. Bank of the United States, and with it you an-able spirit fled, which was once the admiration nihilate that confidence upon which alone any of the world? which stimulated you to be the other can be erected; and, at the same time, some foremost in raising the standard of opposition to State Bank of the city of New York becomes a tyrant, although he was the absolute master the depository of the public revenues, while that city, now almost the arbiter of the commerce of the Union, will become the arbiter of the currency, and not its regulator. Mr. Van Buren might then rule the United States without looking beyond the EMPIRE of New York! I wish success to that noble State-I am proud of her, and of all that she has done; but, let us not close our eyes to the projects of some of her ambitious sons.

ing away the foundation of the States, and threatening the total overthrow of our institutions and the popular liberties? Where is the spirit that once animated Virginia? This question has been asked before; and it was promptly answered, and in a manner, which, we fear, we shall see no more. It was answered by the resolutions of '98. On the 10th of November of that year-being the very day on which Kentucky passed her celebrated resolutions-Geo. Nicholas, who performed so important and honorable a part in the measures of the times, in a letter to a friend in Virginia, uses the following strong and kindling language:

of the force and resources of three kingdoms? Is that spirit evaporated and gone, or is it sunk so low as to suffer you to crouch at the threats of your own servant, and submit, with patience, to the insolence of the SERVANT of that servant? "The lion is not dead; he only slumbers.". Rouse, rouse, my countrymen! once more put on, and use, the determined countenances of freemen. You need only declare that you will be free, to be so in reality. This is a time of struggle-of servants against their masters. If the masters do not support their authority, they will change places with their servants, and, in their turn, become 'hewers of wood and draw.

Such are the reasons which actuated me in not being a thorough-going supporter of the election or administration of Gen. Jackson. While I concede to others the full right to singers of water.' But all that is necessary to be PEANS to the greatest and best man that man that ever lived," I will repeat the lines of Voltaire's Enead

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done, is for the masters to declare that this shall never be the case. As soon as the servants are really convinced that this is the determination

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