WASHINGTON, MAY 28, 1832.

VOL. VI.............. BY DUFF GREEN.. $2.50 PER ANNUM...

EDITORIAL.

We learn, upon undoubted authority, that Mr. Terril denied that he, at any time, contemplated an assault upon the editor of this paper; and we are bound to believe that our informant, who heard some imprudent remarks relative to another individual, put a wrong construction on Mr. T.'s conduct. As we are unwilling to do injustice to any one, we cheerfully correct the error. We conceive it also due to Mr. F. to say, that he is represented to be a brave man, and that it would be wrong to sup. pose that he was intimidated.

.No. 10.

We copy from the Nashville Republican the following notices:

FROM THE MOBILE REGISTER.

"Highly important to settlers on the Choctaw Lands.-A letter from the Choctaw agency in the State of Mississippi, addressed to a gentleman in this city, under date of April 8th, states that

An order has just reached the agency, ordering all the white people out of the Choctaw nation, and advising the approach of troops up the Yazoo, to enforce the order."

It is estimated that from seven to eight hundred, and perhaps a thousand families from Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia, and other States, have removed into the nation since the negotiation of the Choctaw treaty, and have commenced cultivating the lands under the expectation of acquiring titles when they shall be brought into market. If the order of the Government is enforced, it will occasion the most disastrous loss and distress to these emigrants. It will be recollected, however, that, by the provisions of the treaty, it is stipulated that no white persons shall be permitted to enter up. on any of the lands for a period of three years from the date of the negotiation, and the settlers ought to have been aware that it would become the duty of the Government to remove them at any rate should the Indians require It is understood that many of the Indians have encouraged the settling of the whites among them, as it afforded them the opportunity of disposing of their effects to advantage. We cannot but indulge the hope that some compromise may be effected that will protect the emigrants from the utter ruin that must await their expulsion."

The Globe, of the 17th, undertakes to deny the truth of the allegation that the Presi dent had used language relative to the assault made by Houston, calculated to encourage assaults upon other members of Congress, for words spoken in debate. We did not hear the President's remarks, and it is possible that they may have been exaggerated; but certain it is, that the impression in this city is, that Houston's attack upon Mr. Stanbery received his appro❘ bation that he denounced Stanbery as a slan derer of private character; and said that if five or six more members were treated in the same way, it would have a salutary effect upon the proceedings of both the Senate and the House. We do not pretend to give the words; but weit. have heard the names of Mr. Barringer, of the House of Representatives, and of Mr. Danforth, a respectable Presbyterian clergyman, and also that of Mr. Danforth's father, and another Pres. byterian clergyman of this city, vouched as the persons who were present, and heard what did take place. We have also understood that Mr. Danforth conceived it to be his duty to re. "Interesting to settlers in the Creek Nation.monstrate against the language of the Presi- The marshal of this district has received indent; and that he manifested great excitement structions from the Secretary of War to repair on the occasion. The friends of the Presi- to the district ceded by the late treaty, and dent in the House, having refused to permit an give notice to all persons, except those allowinquiry, and the Globe having, in its equivocaled by the treaty to remain till their corps are way, undertaken to deny it, we conceive it to be our duty to name the individuals who can give the truth. These rumors have assumed a shape which should make it as desirable to the President, if he be innocent, as to others that they should be investigated.

gathered, to remove within as short a period as practicable, having due regard to their local position and other circumstances. The marshal is instructed to fix the period, and make it publicly known.

In the execution of this delicate trust, the marshal is directed to be as conciliatory as may be compatible with the object to be attained, and to apply force only when necessary, and after having fully explained to the parties their own duties, the rights of the Indians, the obli

P. S. Since the above was prepared for the press we learn that Mr. Barringer asked to be excused from voting on a proposition for inqui ry, on the ground that he had heard the remarks of the President. If rumor had done injustice to the Chief Magistrate, it was the dugations of the government, and the instructions ty of Mr. Barringer to have contradicted the reports. As he did not do so, we must believe that they are founded in truth.

he has received. Should it become necessary, the commanding officer at Fort Mitchell is directed to aid the marshal with the military

force under his command in the execution of some great good," is a truism, here introduced his duties."

We offer but one word of comment.

most artfully. It is intended to compel the admission that such a coalition had taken place It is understood that a large company has under a justification; or, on the other hand, an been formed in Tennessee, under the auspices admission that the condition of the country does of Major Eaton, to speculate in Indian lands, not require such a sacrifice of feeling. of which near two millions of acres were reserv. But the error of the writer belongs to his ed by the late treaties with the Choctaw and school. It tests the interests of the country by Creek Indians. As the Indians are about to OFFICE; as if the prosperity, the happiness remove, and the object of these reservations is of the American people depends upon the to compensate the Indians, in part, for the ex-question of whether Gen. Jackson or Mr. Clay change of territory, why was the provision re- be the President of the United States. quiring the government to remove the settlers, We notice the article for the purpose of de-. introduced into those treaties Cui bono? It nying, first, that there is any coalition between was certainly the interest of the Indians to in- Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clay, or their mutual vite emigration and consequent competition for friends; and of denying, likewise, the inferthe lands. They are compelled to sell in a giv.ence which the writer would draw from this en time, and if there are no purchasers there fact. We deny that it follows, as a matter of will be no sales. How are purchasers to ob- course, that General Jackson ought to be tain a knowledge of the lands unless they re-elected, because Mr. Calhoun and his friends are permitted to explore them? It seems that have not entered into the support of Mr. Clay, some seven or eight hundred or a thousand as a rival candidate..

families who have emigrated to the Indian We notice it, also, that we may say, that we country since the Choctaw treaty, are to be turn, consider the question of who is President of ed out of houses and homes! And why? the United States, to be of small importance,

The answer is obvious. The policy is to compared with the great question of TAXplace the settlers at the mercy of the Indians,ATION, which is nothing, more nor less, than or rather of those who control the Indians, and the question of liberty itself. Upon this ques thus enhance the value of the Indian reservation, Mr. Calhoun and his friends are opposed tions, already purchased up or secured by the to both Gen. Jackson and Mr. Clay. Upon this fovored speculators. question, Mr. Van Buren, the favorite candiWill the Representatives of Mississippi and dat of the Nashville Republican, and Mr. Clay Alabama permit themselves to be intimidated stand together. Between them there is a co from an investigation of this matter? If they do, LITION resting on the combination of ambition they will deserve, as they certainly will receive, and monopoly. We consider Gen. Jackson as the censure of their constituents. There is equally opposed to a fair and satisfactory adto be a speedy and powerful reaction against justment of this question, and that the south the speculators. The spirit of our institutions has as much or more to apprehend from him is opposed to favoritism and fraud.

The Nashville Republican says:

than Mr. Clay, if the latter should come into power: for, while Gen. Jackson claims to belong to the south, and professes to be in favor of his "judicious tariff," which is now "A coalition apparently of such heterogene explained to be a permanent tax of ten millions ous materials, would require for its justification beyond the expenditure of the Government, we causes of the most vital and imperious nature find the whole weight of his influence thrown into the welfare of the country. It is possible, to the scale of the monopolists. His power to diin the history of a government, that an exigen-vide the south is greater than Mr. Clay's would cy might arise, when duty and patriotism would be; and that power is stimulated by his hatred require of political leaders, who had before of Mr. Calhoun, and that other absorbing influ been opposed to each other, on principle and ence in which it originated; we mean his dein feeling, to change their course and combine sire to appoint Mr. Van Buren his successor. their efforts to effect some great good for, or avert some great evil from, their country. The hostility to Mr. Clay will preserve the loyalty Feeling that the south are already safe; that object for which they had thus, for the time, of that section, the party in power have directlaid aside their usual principles of action, and ed an anxious eye to the tariff States. Hence accustomed hostility, must be obvious, must be Mr. McLane proposes a bill which will leave a of the highest nature, demanding at once in the surplus of ten millions of dollars; and we are estimation of the nation such a sacrifice. Is told in the Globe, that this is the "judicious this the case in the present instance? Who tariff" recommended by Gen. Jackson! would outrage truth and decency so far as to That this tariff should not be acceptable, is pretend that it is?" apparent from one strong fact: The Globe anThis is a comment upon the charge that a ticipated the publication of the bill and report, coalition had taken place between Mr. Calhoun by a false commentary in the shape of an anaand Mr. Clay. The admission that "an exigen- lysis, and has not, to this day, given either the cy might arise when duty and patriotism would bill or the report to its readers! require of political leaders, who had before What, then, remains for the south to do? been opposed to each other, on principle and We are laboring for a reduction of the taxes, in feeling, to combine their efforts to effect whilst the partisans of Mr. Clay and General

Jackson are laboring for office! The policy off to see into it." No one has denied to Congress each is to divide between their partisans the the power to lay a duty for revenue. In 1816, 'spoils" drawn from the taxes imposed upon the country had a debt of one hundred and thirthe south. Shall we, then, divide and quarrel ty millions; and although Mr. Calhoun voted for among ourselves about Mr. Clay, Gen. Jack-the tariff of 1816 as a revenue measure, he has son, or Mr. Van Buren, when the only conse-been consistently opposed to every propo.. quence of such a course must be to rivet the sition to increase the tariff since-whereas, Mr. taxes upon us, which they would impose for Speight, who condemns Mr. Calhoun for his the benefit of their followers? Or, should we vote of 1816, not only supports Mr. Van Bunot devote our whole energies to redeem our-ren, who is the parent of the tariff of 1828-the selves from this more than Egyptian bondage? bill he denounces as a bill of abomination-but Shall we imbrue our hands in each other's recommends, in the very letter before us, Mr. blood, whilst our task-masters wrest from us the McLane's bill, which retains duties on most of proceeds of our honest labor? Should we not the protected articles twenty to thirty per cent. rather lay aside all personal considerations, and higher than the bill of 1816, although we then unite in support of one unceasing effort to had a debt of one hundred and thirty millions, equalise the public burdens? Should we not which is now discharged. Such glaring incontest our public men by this standard, and this sistency argues something more than mere igalone?

To this end will we devote ourselves, whoever may be President.

norance.

But the honorable letter writer takes the Treasury statement for truth. He informs his constituents that Mr. McLane's bili proposes to THE LATE GEN. HUNT. reduce the customs to $12,000,000, when it proThe funeral of this lamented gentleman took poses a revenue of from $18 to 20,000,000 from place on Wednesday evening, in the congres-the customs, which, with the $3,000,000 from sional burial ground. The corpse, attended by the public lands, will leave a surplus beyond the mourners and pallbearers, was, at four the expenditures, of ten millions at least. o'clock, taken to the hall of the House of Re- The honore letter-writer might have sparpresentatives, where the members of the ed himself the labor of informing his constituHouse, and their Speaker, the President of ents that he wanted the "refinements of edu the United States, the Secretaries of State, ofcation which characterize the generality of pubthe Treasury, of War, and of the Navy, and hic men." All who know him well, must have the Attorney General, together with many of discovered that he is wanting in the properties, our citizens, were assembled and awaiting its without which no man is qualified to represent reception, The Senate then, preceded by its a southern district. We mean truth and honor. President and Secretary, entered the hall and took seats which had been assigned to THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION. them. It was placed upon a bier in the area im The Albany Argus has a long article, under mediately in front of the Speaker's chair, and a this head, intended as a reply to Mr. Goode's funeral service was performed by the Chaplain remarks in the Virginia caucus, on Mr. Van of the Senate. At nearly 5 o'clock procession Buren's political conduct; which indicates was formed in the order prescribed by the clearly, that it is the purpose of the party leaders committee of arrangement, and proceeded to to put Mr. Van Buren in nomination for the the place of interment on the eastern branch of Vice Presidency. We began, to apprehend the Potomac, where the body was deposited that they had taken the alarm, and that some in the spacious vault of the family of Griffith less exceptionable man would have been Coombe, Esq. of this city.

The flags of the House of Representatives and of the marine garrison were hoisted half staff high, and continued so till sunset.

selected. But it seems that their motto is, "Aut Cæsar aut nihil." And this was made manifest by the utter contempt for Virginia, and the scuth, manifested by Mr Marcy, yesterday, when he moved to include in the Among the letter-writers of the Van Buren Pension Bill all those who had served three school, the honorable Jesse Speight is working months during the war of the revolution. This out for himself an unenviable notoriety. Had is only equalled by the motion of the same genthe honorable gentleman been content with tleman, to put the ferrymen on the pension list. playing etes-dropper for the palace, he might, We had hoped that Mr. Ritchie's assurance, for us, have enjoyed all the consequence and that if the members from New York turned profit derived from his vocation; but he is made their back upon Virginia, now, their appeal to to discourse of the tariff, and standing sponsor the south, in behalf of any of the sons of the for Mr. McLane's "judicious" compromise, Empire State, would hereafter be in vain, would asserts that "no man in the United States has have had its effect upon the calculating and gone farther in his ultra tariff doctrines than well-drilled corps; but, as if in utter contempt Mr. Calhoun.” of Mr. R.'s admonition-as if to say, "you are

Now, the answer to this is, that it is untrue; already bought and sold"-"you are already and the only apology that the honorable gen-galley slaves, and who cares for your comtleman can give for signing his name to such a plaints?" The honorable Senator, in the face of statement, is that which he gives for opposition he assembled delegates, deputed by Mr. R. & to nullification—that he "has not sense enough Co. to Baltimore, moved the amendment. We

claim your promise, Mr. R., stick to your pro-be, and will very soon be a private citizen. It

mise; but we lay an even wager that no act of the New York delegation will drive you from Mr. Van Buren!

The reader will find, in this day's paper, a suitable reply, to the slander, circulated under the signature of a Member of the Senate, against his colleague and a majority of the Senate. Verily he hath his REWARD!!

FROM THE MISSISSIPPI PATRIOT.

is natural enough for a man who is himself a servile sycophant, who "bends the knee to Baal," and records the edicts of the Executive, in the hopes of receiving the crumbs of office as his reward, to imagine that similar motives govern the actions of other men; but I protest against the application of such epithets to me. shall exercise my best judgment on every measure, brought before the body to which I belong, uninfluenced by any other considerations than the prosperity and glory of our common WASHINGTON CITY, March 31, 1832. country, and the welfare of my immediate conDear Sir: I have read a letter published in stituents, feeling at all times bound to obey the newspapers in Mississippi, signed "Powhas their instructions when they shall think it netan Ellis," my colleague in the Senate, claim-cessary to give them. As to Mr. Clay, with ing for himself the merit of being the only true whom it is alleged I, among others, have comrepresentative of the State in Congress, and albined to break down the present administra leging, in substance, that I have attached my-tion, there does not exist between us the most self to Mr. Calhoun, and, with the other friends remote political sympathy, and the same reof this gentleman, have formed a coalition with mark will apply with equal justice to Mr. CalMr. Clay to break down the administration of houn, and the other distinguished individuals President Jackson. My object in addressing implicated in this foolish charge of combinayou, is not to deny to the Senator the distinction. All my votes on measures, will attest my tion which he claims for himself, for it would opposition to the policy advocated by Mr. Clay; be cruel to disturb so much sel complacency, and while I accord to him lofty and command. but to assure my fellow-citizen through the ing talents and boldness in declaring and desame medium which has given currency to the fending his opinions, I can never be prevailed letter of Judge Ellis, that so far as it has refe-on to give him my suffrage for the high office rence to the attitude in which I stand towards which he seeks, and thereby sustain the ultra either Mr. Calhoun or Mr. Clay, it is not sup-doctrines of the American system. Mr. Clay is ported even by the semblance of truth, The well aware of this, and he would as soon calcu absurd idea has been bruited in the columns of late on receiving the support of his bitterest the party journals, to deceive, if possible, the personal enemy, which I certainly am not, as great body of the American people; but it has on mine Between himself and the President, never before received the sanction of a respect- and many Senators who claim to be the suppor able name. I would greatly prefer to ascribe ters of the present administration, there is but a this indiscreet act of my colleague to weakness slight shade of difference on the subject of a than wickedness, for it certainly must be at-protecting tariff This odious system of taxatributed to one or the other. My conduct, as ation would be repealed at the present session public man, is wholly guided by the principles of Congress, if the professed friends of the adwhich I have avowed, and on which I have ministration did not unite with Mr. Clay in perpractised throughout my political life. I wear petuating it. The journals of Congress will show the livery of no man on earth, and esteem them this fact; and yet while those who find favor only by the standard of the constitution, and with the Executive, act in concert with Mr. their adhesion to the cause of human liberty. Clay in giving effect to his 'American System,' have never, on a single occasion, known, or they unblushingly denounce Mr. Calhoun and sought to know, the opinion of Mr. Calhoun in others, who are laboring to relieve the people relation to any subject on which I have given a of the South from these heavy burdens, as the vote in the Senate. I respect him as an hono jadjuncts of Mr. Clay, in making war on the rable man, and an enlightened statesman, but I present administration. This effrontery is

am very sure he would not so far commit him.equalled only by the robber, who, to conceal self as to presume, under any circumstances, to his guilt, is the first to cry out, stop the thief." dictate to me in the discharge of the high du. I have seen with deep regret the proceedings of ties which have been confided to me by my a small meeting at Clinton, in which my vote constituents. Any such attempt would sink on the nomination of Van Buren is disapproved. him, in my estimation, and receive the con- I had hoped, for the honor of the State, that tempt which arrogant presumption merits at the this personal affair, involving no principle, conhands of an independent man. He has not, and I nected with the interests of Mississippi, would am satisfied he will not, on any future occasion, have been permitted to pass without the dis urge his opinions on me as the rule of my con- gusting notice which has been taken of it for duct. Mr. Calhoun is not before the people party purposes in some other States of the Ufor any office in their gift; he will retire at the nion. My opinion of persons nominated to of end of his present term, and if I were capable fice must depend upon the lights which I posof binding myself to the political fortunes of sess of their respective merits, and whether I any aspirant, he could offer me no temptations approve or disapprove of the selections made to make the sacrifice, as he is powerless, per- by the Chief Magistrate, of persons to fill offi. secuted, without influence with the powers that ces within his gift, cannot be a matter of seri

ous concern to any, save only those whose in The Globe corrects us by saying that the redividual inierests are involved in the action of port of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the the Senate on their nominations. Many instan- bill, had been published at large in that paper. ces have occurred since Gen. Jackson came Our impression was otherwise; but, lest we into power, where his nominations to high po- should be in error, we made a memorandum on litical stations have been almost unanimously the manuscript directing the compositor to exarejected by the Senate; like instances are to be mine the file of the Globe, and first to ascertain found on the secret journal of the Senate, whether the report and bill had been printed. throughout every administration from the days Upon reading the proof, we naturally supposed of Washington up to the present time, and ne-that our first impression was correct, and passver, until now, has it been deemed a fit subed the article to the press. We have no inject for popular excitement and animadversion, ducement to misrepresent the Globe, and it may What do my old friends at Clinton know of well make the most of an error which we hastMartin Van Buren to render him so dear to en to correct. The remark was, of itself, incithem? Are they prepared to idolize the man dental, but it gives us an opportunity to place who fixed upon them that "bill of abomina our conduct in striking contrast with that of the tions," the tariff of 1828-who came to the Globe. For when did that print correct an ersupport of Gen. Jackson only a few months be.ror? fore his election, evidently with a view to the advancement of his own ambitious views-who The Baltimore Convention meet on this day. has been faithless throughout his whole life to Many of the delegates from the north, east, every man, and every cause, when neither the west, and south, have visited head quarters, one or the other ceased to hold cut rewards and, for a time, the kitchen cabinet were said and inducements to him; who has done more to be in a panic, lest the decision of the Senate injury to the administration of General Jackson should be approved by the assembled wisdom than any other man connected with it, and who of the party; that the impression now is, that is the enemy of the entire country south of the although there may be some division, some misPotomac, which he would at any moment sa-givings and bad blood, the convention must, crifice to subserve the ambitious projects of nolens volens, adopt the rejected minister. It the powerful State within which all his feelings is said, however, that there is great apprehenare concentrated? To me it appears that there sion, and that some delegates have been selectcould not be any act of mine less calculated to ed who will not consent to support Mr. Van Budraw on me the displeasure of any portion of ren, on any terms-we shall see! my fellow-citizens. Nothing which concerns them, either in reference to their feelings or prosperity, is, in the remotest degree, affected The Globe rejoices over the vote of the by this movement, and so far as General Jack House rejecting the Senate's amendment to the son is concerned, it is calculated to relieve him apportionment bill, and insinuates that the decifrom an incumbrance which has borne more sion of the House was on constitutional grounds. heavily on him than a millstone around his It is not to be concealed that the question neck from the moment he entered upon the was one of political power between the great high duties of his office. I cannot identify and the small States. Thus, the bill gave to President Jackson with Martin Van Buren, and New York one member for every 47,827 of her if there be a school of politicians who lecture population-whereas, it gave to Delaware 'but on that text, I do not belong to it. I shall give one for every 75,432, and to Missouri only one to the administration a frank and candid sup. for every 65,205 of hers. The Senate's amend port whenever I approve its measures, but I ment proposed to equalize the representation, should degrade both myself and the State, by by giving to the small States one representative neglecting to exercise my own judgment on for each fraction over a moiety of the arbitrary great questions of national policy, and yielding ratio assumed by the House, and thus meeting, up my honest convictions to the mandates of as nearly as possible, the requisition of the conthe executive. If any part of the people o stitution, in that particular. The decision in Mississippi desire to be represented in, the Na- this case shows the influence of the President tional Legislature by a mere machine, to be over the legislation of Congress. The House wielded by the arm of power, they have made bill gave a decided advantage to New Yorkan unfortunate selection in me, for I cannot by it she receiving two more representatives, consent to surrender my own judgment to any and, consequently, two more electoral votes, other authority than the instructions of those than her fair proportion. New York is Mr. Van whose interests I represent, and to whom I am responsible for my public acts.

1 am, Sir, with great respect, Yourfriend and fellow-citizen,

GEO. POINDEXTER..

"THE APPORTIONMENT BILL."

Buren's State; and it was given out, in unquestionable terms, that the President would veto the Senate's bill. The House, under such cir cumstances, adhered to the original bill, and have taken it for granted that the smaller States must submit to this pressing injustice. But they Col. John Milton, of Muscogee, is announced will remember by whom they have been dein the Columbus Enquirer, as a candidate for prived of that participation in the affairs of the Congress, and avows himself as the advocate of government to which they are entitled under Nullification. Col. M. is a prominent member the constitution. The arguments of Mr. Clayof the Clark party.