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Wednesday,]

HUNTINGTON.

[June 29th.

the manufacturing and the agricultural. As to not competent for Boston to say, in relation to the commercial interest, the legislature of Massa these three great interests, that she is entitled to chusetts can do very little toward sustaining that. be as fully represented as the country. Massachusetts is not a nation, and she has sur Something has been said in the progress of this rendered jurisdiction upon the subject of com debate, as to the superior intelligence, and wisdom, . merce to the United States. Representatives, and sober second thought of the people in the sitting here in general court, can do little in any country. I would not be understood as intimating way, towards sustaining or injuring that great or encouraging the idea that the voters of the interest.

country are more intelligent than the voters in Next, there comes the manufacturing interest. Boston. I do not believe it. I believe that the How is the city of Boston situated in relation to voters in Boston are, as a class, as intelligent as that? In 1845 or 1846, returns were procured those who reside in the country. By their schools from the assessors of all the towns and cities of and by the lectures and libraries to which they the Commonwealth, showing the amount of the

have access, they have the means of advancing industrial products of each. By looking at those quite as far in that direction, as the people of any tables, you will find that Boston has but very part of the State, and if it were not so, to base little capital invested in manufacturing, in the any provision, which we may incorporate into the city proper. While the population of Boston is fundamental law of the Commonwealth, upon about one-seventh of the inhabitants in the whole the idea that the voters of any one section of the State, her amount of capital invested in the in

State are more intelligent, and wiser, and better dustrial pursuits of the Commonwealth in the city men than those of any other section, would be is only about one-fifteenth of that of the whole highly unjust. But, Sir, we have a right to look State. You find then that the manufacturing at the great interests which are represented in the capital, which is to be protected by the general | legislature of Massachusetts, and we have a right, court, is not in Boston, but in the country. It is and it is our duty, to see that they are properly scattered all along your little streams; though,

represented. perhaps, owned to some extent by gentlemen re Another great interest of this Commonwealth siding in Boston and its vicinity; it is doing good is that of education; the interest of your common there, is represented there, and the people there and public schools which are supported by taxawill take care of it. It is in safe keeping, and I tion-not your private schools, supported upon venture to say it is where the owners of this

the voluntary system, which are, I was about to property, and where the capitalists of Boston

say, detrimental to the great cause of popular interested in that species of industry, wish to

education. If you take taxation as the basis of have it, and wish to have it represented, inasmuch representation—as one gentleman from Boston, as they have placed it there.

who has brought forward his tables here to show The same tables show the number of hands the wealth of Boston, as compared with that of employed in these industrial pursuits of the Com

the country, says you should-look for a moment monwealth, and how does the number of hands

at the amount which the small towns of the State so employed in Boston, compare, with the num

pay towards the support of the public schools,, ber employed in the country? While she has and that paid by the city of Boston, and see where, one-seventh of the population of the State, she according to that comparison, the representation has, or then had, one-thirtieth of the number of would fall. That would give the country a higher hands thus employed. So it appears that she has basis of representation than is asked for by any only one-fifteenth of the capital and one-thir- body here. tieth of the hands employed, with a population Inasmuch as the Secretary of the Board of amounting to about one-seventh. It seems to me

Education has shown what percentage of the that Boston must admit, that so far as the indus- taxable property of the Commonwealth is contribtrial products of the Commonwealth are concerned, uted towards the support of the common schools, they should be strongly represented from the in the different parts of the State, I had the curicountry. They are then, and the representatives osity to look at it, and I found this to be the from the country can and will sustain them.

result. The table is headed by the Secretary Then there are other great manufacturing inter “ Counties arranged according to the percentage ests; the leather, and the boot and shoe manu of their taxable property, appropriated to the supfacturing interests, more important, by far, than

port of public schools for 1861 and 1852, exthat of woollen and cotton manufactures. They pressed in decimals :" are not situated here in Boston. The agricultural Barnstable, 2.53 Norfolk,

1.77 interest too, is not here; and I submit, that it is | Plymouth, 2.26 Franklin,

1.74

Wednesday,]

HUNTINGTON.

[June 29th.

Middlesex, 2.13 Bristol,

1.73 public schools. I find, from a cursory examinaNantucket, 2.05 Hampden,

1.66 tion of the returns of the Secretary of the Board Essex, 1.99 Worcester,

1.61 of Education, that the attendance upon these Dukes,

1.83 Berkshire, 1.53 schools, considering all the disadvantages of disHampshire, 1.81 Suffolk,

0.94 tance and travel in the country, is much Now here are nine counties in the Common larger in the small towns than in the large. · wealth, which exceed Suffolk two-fold, in what Notwithstanding many of the children are comthey contribute for the support of our common

pelled to go two or three miles to reach their school system. The average for the whole State, school-houses, they are there more regularly is 1.54 per cent upon the property of the Common than in the large towns and cities. This shows wealth, and you will see how far Boston falls the great interest which is taken in these towns, below that, when she only contributes.94 per cent.

in our system of public schools. It is considWell, Sir, Boston does a great deal for public

ered by the people of those towns as one of the schools, a great deal for colleges, and a great deal

most important interests of the community, and for private schools. I do not mean to say, she it is an interest which is to go on and increase does not do as much for the cause of education,

hereafter. I, therefore, regard it as one which including colleges and private schools, within should be taken into great consideration by this her own limits, as any other portion of the

Convention in establishing their basis of repreCommonwealth. But I say, that so far as this sentation. great system of public schools, provided for by the Then there is another subject which I also delegislature is concerned, which secures to every

sire to bring to the attention of the Convention. child in the Commonwealth, an education, at the

Much has been said about centralization here. public expense. Boston does not, according to her

This doctrine of what is technically called cenability, do as much as the small towns of the

tralization, I care nothing about. I cannot see Commonwealth, by one-half.

that it has any proper application to this subject. Mr. UPTON, of Boston. Does the gentleman

The doctrine of centralization, as applied to the mean to assume that the schools in Boston, are governments of the old world, we know nothing not as good, as they are in the small towns of the about, practically, here. What I understand by State:

that term, as applied to government, is when that Mr. HUNTINGTON. Not at all. I believe government itself is centered in the hands of the the schools in the city of Boston, are rather above

few. As our government is absolutely in the the average standard of schools in the community.

hands of the legal voters of the Commonwealth, I wish I could say that the public schools in every

no centralization can take place, so far as the govportion of the Commonwealth, were as good as

ernment is concerned, except so far as the people they are in the city of Boston. Indeed, I think I themselves, in migrating from one place to anshould be safe in saying that the schools in this

other, or in gathering into large towns and cities, city, public and private together, are superior to may collect in larger numbers in some one place the schools in the country. They are made so by more than in others. This we have no right to their central position, by the wealth of the people, prevent in establishing a fundamental law. But and by the interest which the people take in them. so far as the administration of the government is That is a safe calculation to make. I am willing concerned, there can be centralization, in the to yield that point. But it is no purpose of mine sense in which I understand the term. The peoin this argument, to make any odious comparisons, ple delegate the powers of government to their either against the city and in favor of the country, officers, state and county, and to representatives or in favor of the city and against the country.

who meet here in the city of Boston, and to that I am only considering such of the great interests extent the administration of the government is of the people of the Commonwealth, as this Con centred in the city of Boston. But the municipal vention ought peculiarly to regard and protect, institutions which prevail amongst us, and which, and I think this great system of public schools, as they exist here, are unknown to the old world, comprises one of those interests, and in connection are an effectual and perfect protection from this with that interest, I alluded to the fact, that the danger of centralization of the government, and city of Boston, in proportion to its valuation lists, therefore, I say, I care nothing about this docdoes not pay for the support of this system of trine, as applied to the government of Massachupublic schools, more than one-fourth or one-half as setts. There is, however, a concentration of much, as the people of the small towns.

wealth, power, influence, and numbers combined, Let me call the attention of the Convention, to in the cities and large towns, and this is a fact another fact in connection with the subject of entitled to consideration in the determination of

Wednesday,]

HUNTINGTON.

[June 29th.

th question. Take, for instance, the city amine and hear for themselves, and can administer Boston, and compare its advantages for represen to the public exigency from their own positive tation with the country. Boston is more strongly observation and knowledge. But suppose the represented in the legislature than a country town question of the settlement or alteration of town is, because she is not only represented by her lines, or any other local question, in the county own delegates, but she is also, in a peculiar of Berkshire, should arise, Boston gentlemen sense, which does not apply to country towns, cannot visit Berkshire, for the purpose of obtainrepresented by all the delegates from all the ing the requisite information, but they must reportions of the State, even by the country rep ceive it second-hand. I do not mean to say that resentatives themselves. Beside the general doc there is any disposition on the part of the people trine-and it is the true theory of our govern of Boston not to do justice to the people of the ment—that a man who is elected from any par country, certainly not, but I do mean to say that ticular place, is the representative not only of that Boston, from her position as the seat of governplace, but of all the towns and cities in the Com ment, has an advantage over the country, and monwealth, and which will apply to the relative that her interests are better represented than position of the city members towards the towns, country interests, from the fact that they are not as well as to that of the country members to only represented by the members elected from the wards the city,- I say, besides this general doc city itself, but also by the members who come trine, the country members, when they come here from the country. If Boston had not a here, do, in a peculiar manner, represent the city single representative upon this floor, still her also; not in any illegitimate or improper sense, interests would be well guarded. The very fact but they truly represent the interests of the city. that the State House is in the city insures that While they are here, as they are, from all parts of protection. Why, Sir, I venture to say that the Commonwealth, they see what Boston wants. Worcester or Springfield would either of them They go to her wharves, and her places of busi- give up half their representation for the sake of ness of every description—they witness her pub- having this State House located there, because lic works. They are ready to investigate any they would feel that by the mere presence of the plan which you will show them for public im legislature, their interests would be regarded and provements. They visit your charitable and lite- promoted, and better protected without a single rary and scientific institutions, your private and representative clected hy them, than they now are public establishments for the poor and suff. ring, with all the representatives they are entitled to. and see with their own eyes what are their neces In this respect, therefore, the people of Boston sities. Many country representatives are doing have much the advantage over the people in the business here with their Boston constituents, are other portions of the Commonwealth. in their counting-rooms, shops, and banks, hear Permit me again to allude to the fact, that from what they have to say by way of suggestion, and the very nature of things the representative from look to their interests in legislation. But the Boston is in more immediate communication with people of the country do not enjoy these advan his constituents than the representative from the tages. If you would take the Boston representa country can be with his. He lives almost within tives into the country, and give them the same a stone's throw of them, and can at any hour opportunity of ascertaining the wants of the confer with them, or be conferred with in ten country, as the country representatives have of minutes' time. If absent when a question is to attending to the wants of the city, they would be be taken, he is summoned in. But when any quite as willing to give their aid. I do not mean matter arises in the country, touching local interto intimate that they would not do as much, and ests, which require legislation, that representative go as far to promote their interests and assist is away from them and cannot consult with them. them, as do the representatives from the coun They must and do send down lobby members, or try, but it is impossible, from their situation, that let the matter in hand go unrepresented. it can be so.

Then there is another advantage which the It is an impossibility, from the very nature of representatives from Boston and the large cities things, that gentlemen who live in the city can always have. The members from the country understand the interests of the country as the are many of them obliged to go, or they do go, home country representatives do those of the city, so towards the close of the sessions. It has always far as local legislation is concerned. For instance, been noticed, that at these periods there is an suppose there is a question as to the alteration in undue number of absences among those representa city or town line in this neighborhood, or a ing the remote parts of the Commonwealth. ferry, or railway, the members can go and ex They are also absent more or less during the ses

Wednesday,]

HUNTINGTON.

(June 29th.

sion, and cannot be called in when a question is, they are willing to take just what they are entitled to be taken. These are not very consoling argu to under a fair and equal apportionment of the ments I admit, but I think the fact is entitled to powers of the government. I do not believe they some consideration, and I present it for what it is desire to be treated as a superior order of men. I worth.

would not underrate any one of the great indusThe great interests in the Commonwealth, to be trial interests of Massachusetts, but I believe, provided for by State legislation, are the education- nevertheless, that if we were compelled to part al, the manufacturing, and the agricultural. These with either the agricultural or the mechanical and interests must and will be fostered. The country manufacturing interests, that we could better and the city are both interested in them, for one is spare the agricultural. We can supply ourselves dependent upon the other. But they mainly are with bread from abroad, but the products of the found and exist out of the city. Your agricul- industry of our mechanics and manufacturers are tural products are necessary for the existence of essential to our prosperity, and we could not well the cities, and in return your agricultural com live and flourish without them for a day. When munities are enriched by the cities. Our manu I hear gentlemen talk of our farmers as a higher facturing interest, I think, is eminently entitled class of men, in whose hands the power of the to the consideration and protection of the legisla- government can be more safely placed than in the ture of the Commonwealth, so far as it has con hands of the mechanics and the manufacturers, trol of the subject. I know that this interest is, and, as if they were to be invested with the conto some extent, regulated and protected by the trol of affairs, to the exclusion of other classes, I national legislature. But it is the great interest cannot sympathize with them in any such opinion. of Massachusetts after all. I do not, as some I think they are entitled to a just and fair repregentlemen do, rank it below the agricultural. sentation, and that is all. There are as intelligent men engaged in mechan These are some of the reasons which induce ical and manufacturing pursuits, as can be found me to advocate an enlarged basis of representation devoted to agricultural. My professional experi- for this city and the large cities and towns. In ence has brought me in connection with both, town or in corporate representation, this can only and given me some opportunity to judge in rela be attained by an increasing and enlarged ratio. tion to this matter, and that is my conviction. These considerations would prevent my supportSomething has been said, in the course of this de- ing a district system based on the equality of bate, about farmers as a superior order of men. mere population, without regard to voters. I do not believe the agricultural portion of the It has been said, and I know it is a controling people of the Commonwealth have any greater conviction in some minds, that the district system claim upon the protection or the power of the will introduce the convention mode of making government, or to higher consideration, than have nominations more extensively than it now exists. those engaged in manufacturing, mechanical, or Well, Sir, I do not object to the district system so commercial pursuits. I would not give one the much on that account. Political conventions are preference over the other. An ignorant farmer is already introduced, and have become almost a no better than an ignorant mechanic. An ig- part of our institutions. They exist as a sort of norant man is an ignorant man, and an intelli- political necessity. gent man is an intelligent man, whatever his If the people choose to nominate their candioccupation, and without much regard to it, here dates by means of a convention I do not know in Massachusetts. I believe about the same why they should not do it. I have seen as much number, proportionately, may be found in either, mischief and intrigue, and petty jealousy at town or in any trade or pursuit. I would not be un caucuses as I have in any convention system. derstood as detracting from the importance of the They are both in the hands of the people. If agricultural interest of the Commonwealth. Far good men will attend your town caucuses they be it from me to speak a word against that will nominate good candidates, and if good men interest. My closest ties are in that direction. I will attend your conventions, you will have good have always looked forward to a farm as a kind of candidates. There is no more danger in the one land of Beulah, where, if I could dwell, I could case than in the other, if they are under the almost fancy myself living in sight of heaven, and influence of good men, and they may be. There hearing celestial sounds. But I do not believe are evils connected with the representation by the farmers themselves wish to be set apart as a the small towns which are not incident to an favored or superior class in the Commonwealth ; election by districts. A politician can go into a or that they demand an undue amount of in little town of three hundred inhabitants in a fluence in the affairs of the government. I believe closely contested election and do a great deal more

Wednesday,]

HUNTINGTON.

(June 20th.

with a little money, than he can in a large city, I have presented considerations, tending to towards effecting a particular result. I do not show, that you cannot take a mere numerical mean that the result is obtained by bribery or majority, based on popula'ion, as reliable in any corruption, but merely by getting out the voters system,--either in the district or the representaof the right stamp, and putting other machinery tive system. I wish to present a few controling in motion. I do not mean that opinions or voters facts in relation to this particular branch of the are to be improperly influenced by any such subject. On looking at one of the documents, means, but it will require a great deal less money (No. 17,) which contains a list of the population and exertion to change the result in one of these and legal voters, you will find, that in the large little towns, by getting out a few antique voters, cities and towns, the population runs much above who otherwise would not attend the polls, than it the legitimate proportion between population and will in the large towns and cities. ha

voters. I have looked through these tables, and caucuses held in small towns where a committee I find, that what may be called a fair and healthy would be appointed to select the candidates of proportion between the population and the legal the party for which the caucus was held. The voters, is about five to one.

own

people have not permitted their committee to If gentlemen will examine these tables as to the

report to the meeting, but have appointed them, small agricultural country towns, they will find that with instructions to report, when and where? about one-fifth of the population are voters. In the At some time previous to the election, to the large cities and towns, you will find, that in Boscaucuses, for their ratification ? No, Sir; but ton, not one-seventh of the population are voters. with instructions to report at the polls ! In these I take twenty-one of the largest cities and towns small towns, the people are not always left free in the order of their population, and I find, on an and independent to select their candidates for average, that only one-seventh are voters, instead representatives ; sometimes they do not know of one-fifth. Just take this result, and apply it who is to be their candidates until they go up to to the basis of representation. You have not the polls to vote, and they are compelled to take done it in regard to the Senate. There you have the candidate reported by their committee, with- | taken the population. You find that this adout knowing even his name till they are called | vantage is gained by the cities and large towns on on to cast their ballots.

their population, that it operates just like the And it very often happens that in the small representation of property, and it looks sometowns the election turns, and the representative thing like a return to the old system of the is chosen upon merely sectional and small local property basis, because this floating population considerations. A new religious society is formed always come in, where the property and the in a small town—one man will not vote for this largest wealth are to be found. And when you candidate because he belongs to that church, and permit this floating population to be represented, another will not vote for that candidate because you in fact admit property in another shape and he does not belong to his own church. Various form to come in and be represented—not in name, neighborhood feuds and jealousies creep into but in substance. As I said before, apply this to these small town nominations.

Boston, and take the same ratio in regard to voters Now, Sir, this consideration, it seems to me, is and population as you find in the country, and one which should have some weight in determin how does the case stand: Boston does not count ing this question as to district conventions and over 138,788, by any reckoning; but by this town nominations, and whether the district sys- mode, only about 107,000. Multiply her voters tem is objectionable on this account.

by five instead of seven, as that is the proper way These various views which I have presented, it to ascertain her legitimate population, to be represeems to me, show the fallacy of the tables which sented by Boston representatives, and her popuhave been got up to set forth the equality or lation is only 107,000,--and when she gets inequality of the various plans which have been twenty-four or twenty-nine representatives thereproposed. I contend that exact numerical equal-' | fore, she gets them upon 107,000, and not upon ity is not necessary, nor is it consonant with exact | 138,000. Apply this calculation to your county political justice in apportioning the representa- population, about which so much has been said, tion of the State. We do not want mere numeri- | and where such apparent inequalities have been cal equality in our representation. What we presented. Take the county of Hampshire for want is, that all the interests of the State should instance,-her population is 34,290 by the tables. be fully and fairly represented. That is political Multiply her voters by seven, and bring them up justice and equality, and that is the system of repre- to the same ratio or standard which exists in your sentation which I hope the Convention will adopt. large cities and towns, and you find that her

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