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and turbulent. Basiliscus presumed to assassinate the lover of his sister; he dared to offend the lover of his wife, the vain and insolent IIarmatius, who, in the midst of Asiatic luxury, affected the dress, the demeanor, and the surname of Achilles.” By the conspiracy of the malecontents, Zeno was recalled from exile; the armies, the capital, the person, of Basiliscus, were betrayed; and his whole family was condemned to the long agony of cold and hunger by the inhuman conqueror, who wanted courage to encounter or to forgive his enemies.* The haughty spirit of Verina was still incapable of submission or repose. She provoked the enmity of a favorite general, embraced his cause as soon as he was disgraced, created a new emperor in Syria and Egypt,f raised an army of seventy thousand men, and persisted to the last moment of her life in a fruitless rebellion, which, according to the fashion of the age, had been predicted by Christian hermits and Pagan magicians. While the East was afflicted by the passions of Verina, her daughter Ariadne was distinguished by the female virtues of mildness and fidelity; she followed her husband in his exile, and after his restoration, she implored his clemency in favor of her mother. On the decease of Zeno, Ariadne, the daughter, the mother, and the widow of an emperor, gave her hand. and the Imperial title to Anastasius, an aged domestic of the palace, who survived his elevation above twenty-seven years, and whose character is attested by the acclamation of the people, “Reign as you have lived ' " " + Whatever fear or affection could bestow, was profusely lavished by Zeno on the king of the Ostrogoths; the rank of patrician and consul, the command of the Palatine troops, an equestrian statue, a treasure in gold and silver of many thousand pounds, the name of son, and the promise of a rich and honorable wife. As long as Theodoric condescended to serve, he supported with courage and fidelity the cause of his benefactor: his rapid march contributed to the restoration of Zeno; and in the second revolt, the Walamirs, as they were called, pursued and pressed the Asiatic rebels, till they left an easy victory to the Imperial troops." But the faithful servant was suddenly converted into a formidable enemy, who spread the flames of war from Constantinople to the Adriatic; many flourishing cities were reduced to ashes, and the agriculture of Thrace was almost extirpated by the wanton cruelty of the Goths, who deprived their captive peasants of the right hand that guided the plough.” On such occasions, Theodoric sustained the loud and specious reproach of disloyalty, of ingratitude, and of insatiate avarice, which could be only excused by the hard necessity of his situation. He reigned, not as the monarch, but as the minister of a ferocious people, whose spirit was unbroken by slavery, and impatient of real or imaginary insults. Their poverty was incurable; since the most liberal donatives were soon dissipated in wasteful luxury, and the most fertile estates became barren in their hands; they despised, but they envied, the laborious provincials; and when their subsistence had failed, the Ostrogoths embraced the familiar resources of war and rapine. It had been the wish of Theodoric (such at least was his declaration) to lead a peaceful, obscure, obedient life on the confines of Scythia, till the Byzantine court, by splendid and fallacious promises, seduced him to attack a confederate tribe of Goths, who had been engaged in the party of Basiliscus. He marched from his station in Maesia, on the solemn assurance that, before he reached Adrianople, he should meet a plentiful convoy of provisions, and a reënforcement of eight thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, while the legions of Asia were encamped at Heraclea to second his operations. These measures were disappointed by mutual jealousy. As he advanced into Thrace, the son of Theodemir
8 Suidas, tom. i. pp. 332, 333 edit. Kuster.
* The contemporary histories of Malchus and Candidus are lost; but some extracts or fragments have been saved by Photius (lxxviii. lxxix. pp. 100–102), Constantine Porphyrogenitus (Excerpt: Leg. pp. 78-97, and in various articles of the Lexicon of Suidas. The Chronicles of Marcellinus (Imago. Historia) are originals from the reigns of Zemo and Anastasius; and I must acknowledge, almost for the last time. my obligations to the large and accurate collections of Tiliennonu (Hist. des Emp. tom. vi. pp. 472–652).
* Joannes Lydus accuses Zeno of timidity, or, rather, of cowardice; he purchased an ignominious peace from the enemies of the empire, whom he dared not meet in battle; and employed his whole time at home in confiscations and executions. Lydus, de Magist. iii. 45, p. 230.—M.
+ Named illus.--M.
# The Panegyric of Procopius of Gaza (edited by Villoison in his Anecdota Græca, and reprinted in the new edition of the Byzantine historians by Niebuhr, in the same vol; with Dexippus and Eunapius, viii. pp. 488, 516), was unknown to Gibbon. It is vague and pedantic, and contains, few facts. The same criticism will apply to the poetical panegyric of Prisgian, edited from the MS. of Bobbio by Áng. Mai. Priscian, the grammarian, Niebuhr argues from this work,
must o been born in the African, not in either of the Asiatic Caesareas. Pref. p. xl.--M.
10. In ipsis congressionis tuæ foribus cessit invasor, cum profusso per te sceptra redderentur de salute dubitanti. Ennodius then proceeds (pp. 1596, 1597, tom, i. Sirmond.) to transport his hero (on a flying dragon 2) into AEthiopia, beyond the tropic of Cancer. The evidence of the Walesian Fragment (p. 717) Liberatus (Brev. Eutych. c. 25, p. 118), and Theophanes (p. 112), is more sober and rational.
11 This cruel practice is specially imputed to the oriarian Goths, less barbarous, as it should seem, than the Watlam irs; but the son of Theodemir is charged with the ruin of many IRoman cities (Malchus. Excerpt. Leg. p. 95).
found an inhospitable solitude, and his Gothic followers, with a heavy train of horses, of mules, and of wagons, were betrayed by their guides among the rocks and precipices of Mount Sondis, where he was assaulted by the arms and invectives of Theodoric the son of Triarius. From a neighboring height, his artful rival harangued the camp of the Walamirs, and branded their leader with the opprobrious names of child, of madman, of perjured traitor, the enemy of his blood and nation. “Are you ignorant,” exclaimed the son of Triarius, “that it is the constant policy of the l?omans to destroy the Goths by each other's swords? Are you insensible that the victor in this unnatural contest will be exposed, and justly exposed, to their implacable revenge? Where are those warriors, my kinsmen and thy own, whose widows now lament that their lives were sacrificed to thy rash ambition ? W-here is the wealth which thy soldiers possessed when they were first allured from their native homes to enlist under thy standard 2 Each of them was then master of three or four horses; they now follow thee on foot, like slaves, through the deserts of Thrace; those men who were tempted by the hope of measuring gold with a bushel, those brave men who are as free and as noble as thyself.” A language so well suited to the temper of the Goths excited clamor and discontent; and the son of Theodemir, apprehensive of being left alone, was compelled to embrace his brethren, and to imitate the example of IRoman perfidy.” “ In every state of his fortune, the prudence and firmness of Theodoric were equally conspicuous; whether he threatened Constantinople at the head of the confederate Goths, or retreated with a faithful band to the mountains and seacoast of Epirus. At length the accidental death of the son of Triarius * destroyed the balance which the Romans had
* Jornandes (c. 56, 57, p. 696) displays the services of Theodoric, confesses his rewards, but dissembles his revolt, of which such curious details have been preserved by Malchus (Excerpt. Legat, pp. 78-97). Marcellinus, a domestic of Justinian, under whose ivth consularship (A. D. 534) he composed his Chronicle (Sealiger, Thesaurus Temporum, P. ii. pp. 34–57), betrays his prejudice and pas§ion: in Graeciam debacchantem * * * Zenonis munificentiã pene pacatus * * * beneficiis nunquam satiatus, &c.
.*As he was riding in his own camp, an unruly horse threw him against the point of a spear which hung before a tent, or was fixed on a wagon (Marcellin. in Chron. Evagrius, l. iii. c. 25).
* Gibbon, has omitted much of the complicated intrigues of the Byzantine court with the two Theodorics. The weak emperor attempted to play them one against the other, and was himself in turn insulted, and the empire ravaged, by both. The details of successive alliance and revolt, of hostility and of union ło,the o Gothic chieftains, to dictate terms to the emperor, may be found ll Mlalchug.-Me
been so anxious to preserve, the whole nation acknowledged the supremacy of the Amali, and the Byzantine court subscribed an ignominious and oppressive treaty.” The senate had already declared, that it was necessary to choose a party among the Goths, since the public was unequal to the support of their united forces; a subsidy of two thousand pounds of gold, with the ample pay of thirteen thousand men, were required for the least considerable of their armies;" and the Isaurians, who guarded not the empire but the emperor, enjoyed, besides the privilege of rapine, an annual pension of five thousand pounds. The sagacious mind of Theodoric soon perceived that he was odious to the Ito mans, and suspected by the Barbarians: he understood the popular murmur, that his subjects were exposed in their frozen huts to intolerable hardships, while their king was dissolved in the luxury of Greece, and he prevented the painful alternative of encountering the Goths, as the cham}. or of leading them to the field, as the enemy, of Zeno. Ombracing an enterprise worthy of his courage and ambition, Theodoric addressed the emperor in the following words: “Although your servant is maintained in affluence by your liberalty, graciously listen to the wishes of my heart! Italy, the inheritance of your predecessors, and Rome itself, the head and mistress of the world, now fluctuate under the violence and oppression of Odoacer the mercenary. Direct me, with my national troops, to march against the tyrant. If I fall, you will be relieved from an expensive and troublesome friend: if, with the divine permission, I succeed, I shall govern in your name, and to your glory, the Roman senate, and the part of the republic delivered from slavery by my victorious arms.” The proposal of Theodoric was accepted, and perhaps had been suggested, by the Byzantine court. But the forms of the commission, or grant, appear to have been expressed with a prudent ambiguity, which might be explained by the event; and it was left doubtful, whether the conqueror of Italy should reign as the lieutenant, the vassal, or the ally, of the emperor of the East.” The reputation both of the leader and of the war diffused
14 See Malchus (p. 91) and Fvagrius (1. iii. c.35).
15 Malchus, p. 85. In a single action, which was described by the skill and discipline of Sabinian, Theodoric could lose 5000 men.
10 Jormandes (c. 57, pp. 696. 697) has abrid red the great history of Cassiodorus. See. compare, and reconcile Procopius (Gothic. l. i. e. i.), the Walesian Fragment (p 718), Theophanes (p. 113), and Marcellinus (in Chron.).
a universal ardor; the Walamirs were multiplied by the Gothic swarms already engaged in the service, or seated in the provinces, of the empire: and each bold Barbarian, who had heard of the wealth and beauty of Italy, was impatient to seek, through the most perilous adventures, the posses. sion of such enchanting objects. The march of Theodoric must be considered as the emigration of an entire people; the wives and children of the Goths, their aged parents, and most precious effects, were carefully transported; and some idea may be formed of the heavy baggage that now followed the camp, by the loss of two thousand wagons, which had been sustained in a single action in the war of Epirus. For their subsistence, the Goths depended on the magazines of corn which was ground in portable mills by the hands of their women; on the milk and flesh of their flocks and herds; on the casual produce of the chase, and upon the contributions which they might impose on all who should presume to dispute the passage, or to refuse their friendly assistance. Notwithstanding these precautions, they were exposed to the danger, and almost to the distress, of famine, in a march of seven hundred miles, which had been undertaken in the depth of a rigorous winter. Since the fall of the Roman power, Dacia and Pannonia no longer exhibited the rich prospect of populous cities, well-cultivated fields, and convenient highways: the reign of barbarism and desolation was restored, and the tribes of Bulgarians, Gepidae, and Sarmatians, who had occupied the vacant province, were prompted by their native fierceness, or the solicitations of Odoacer, to resist the progress of his enemy. In many obscure though bloody battles, Theodoric fought and vanquished; till at length, surmounting every obstacle by skilful conduct and persevering courage, he descended from the Julian Alps, and displayed his invincible banners on the confines of Italy.” Odoacer, a rival not unworthy of his arms, had already occupied the advantageous and well-known post of the River Sontius, near the ruins of Aquileia, at the head of a powerful host, whose independent kings” or leaders dis dained the duties of subordination and the prudence of de
11 Theodoric's march is supplied and illustrated by Ennodius (pp. 1598-1602) when the bombast of the oration is translated into the language of common sense.
is Tot reges, &c. (Ennodius, p. 1692). , We must recollect how much the royal title was multiplied and degraded, and that the mercenaries of Italy were the fragments of many tribes and mations.