XI. Resolves residence As he had fixed on a place of retreat in Spain, hoping BOOK that the dryness and the warmth of the climate in that, country might mitigate the violence of his disease, which 1556. had been much increased by the moisture of the air and to fix his the rigour of the winters in the Netherlands, he was ex- in Spain. tremely impatient to embark for that kingdom, and to disengage himself entirely from business, which he found to be impossible while he remained in Brussels. But his obliged to physicians remonstrated so strongly against his venturing remain for to sea at that cold and boisterous season of the year, that in the Nehe consented, though with reluctance, to put off his voyage for some months. some time therlands. ciation for By yielding to their entreaties, he had the satisfaction, Promotes before he left the Low Countries, of taking a considerable the nego step towards a peace with France, which he ardently peace. wished for, not only on his son's account, but that he might have the merit, when quitting the world, of re-establishing that tranquillity in Europe which he had banished de Abdicatione Caroli V., fixes the public ceremony, as well as the date of the instrument of resignation, on the 25th. Pere Barre, I know not on what authority, fixes it on the 24th of November, Hist. d'Alem. viii, 976. Herrera agrees with Godleveus in his account of this matter, tom. i, 155, as likewise does Pallavicini, whose authority, with respect to dates, and every thing where a minut: accuracy is requisite, is of great weight, Hist. lib. xvi, p. 168. Historians differ no less with regard to the day on which Charles resigned the crown of `pain to his son. According to M. de Thou, it was a month after his having resigned his dominions in the Netherlands, i. e. about the 25th of November, Thuan. lib. xvi, p. 571. According to Sandoval, it was on the 16th of January 1556, Sand. ii, 603. Antonio de Vera agrees with him, Epitome del Vida del Car. V., p. 110. According to Pallavicini, it was on the 17th, Pal. lib. xvi, p. 168; and with him Herrera agrees, Vida del D. Felipe, tom. i, p. 233. But Ferreras fixes it on the 1st day of January, Hist. Gener. tom. ix, p. 371. M. de Beaucaire supposes the resignation of the crown of Spain to have been executed a few days after the resignation of the Netherlands, Com. de Reb. Gall. p. 879 It is remarkable, that in the treaty of truce at Vaucelles, though Charles had made over ail his dominions to his son some weeks previous to the conclusion of it, all the stipulations are in the emperor's name, and Philip is only styled king of England and Naples. It is certain, Philip was not proclaimed king of Castile, &c. at alladolid sooner than the 24th of March, Sandov. ii, p. 606; and previous to that ceremony, he did not choose, it should seem, to assume the title of king of any of his Spanish kingdoms, or to perform any act of royal jurisdiction. In a deed annexed to the treaty of truce, dated April 19, he assumes the title of king of Castile, &c. in the usual style of the Spanish monarchs in that age. Corps Dipl. tom. iv, Append. p. 85. BOOK out of it almost from the time that he assumed the admi XL 1556. A truce concluded. Feb 5. nistration of affairs. Previous to his resignation, commissioners had en appointed by him and by the French king, in order to treat of an exchange of prisoners. In their conferences at the abbey of Vaucelles, near Cambray, an expedient was accidentally proposed for terminating hostilities between the contending monarchs, by a long truce, during the subsistence of which, and without discussing their respective claims, each should retain what was now in his possession. Charles, sensible how much his kingdoms were exhausted by the expensive and almost continual wars in which his ambition had engaged him, and eager to gain for his son a short interval of peace, that he might establish himself firmly on his throne, declared warmly for closing with the overture, though manifestly dishonourable as well as disadvantageous; and such was the respect due to his wisdom and experience, that Philip, notwithstanding his unwillingness to purchase peace by such concessions, did not presume to urge his opinion in opposition to that of his father. Henry could not have hesitated one moment about giving his consent to a truce on such conditions as would leave him in quiet possession of the greater part of the duke of Savoy's dominions, together with the important conquests which he had made on the German frontier. But it was no easy matter to reconcile such a step with the engagements which he had come under to the pope, in his late treaty with him. The constable Montmorency, however, represented in such a striking light the imprudence of sacrificing the true interests of his kingdom to these rash obligations, and took such advantage of the absence of the cardinal of Lorrain, who had seduced the king into his alliance with the Caraffas, that Henry, who was naturally fluctuating and unsteady, and apt to be influenced by the advice last given him, authorised his ambassadors to sign a treaty of truce with the emperor for five years, on the terms which had been proposed. XI. But that he might not seem to have altogether forgotten BOOK his ally the pope, who, he foresaw, would be highly exasperated, he, in order to sooth him, ook care that he should be expressly included in the truce. 1556. both mo The count of Lalain repaired to Blois, and the admiral Ratified by Coligny to Brussels, the former to be present when the narchs. king of France, and the latter when the emperor and his son, ratified the treaty, and bound themselves by oath to observe it". When an account of the conferences at Vau- The pope's astonish celles, and of the conditions of truce which had been pro- ment and posed there, were first carried to Rome, it gave the pope distress. no manner of disquiet. He trusted so much to the honour of the French monarch, that he would not allow himself to think that Henry could forget so soon, or violate so shamefully, all the stipulations in his league with him. He had such an high opinion of the emperor's wisdom, that he made no doubt of his refusing his consent to a trucę on such unequal terms; and on both these accounts he confidently pronounced that this, like many preceding negociations, would terminate in nothing. But later and more certain intelligence soon convinced him that no reasoning in political affairs is more fallacious, than, because an event is improbable, to conclude that it will not happen. The sudden and unexpected conclusion of the truce filled Paul with astonishment and terror. The cardinal of Lorrain durst not encounter that storm of indignation to which he knew that he should be exposed from the haughty pontiff, who had so good reason to be incensed; but departing abruptly from Rome, he left to the cardinal Tournon the difficult task of attempting to sooth Paul and his nephews. They were fully sensible of the perilous situation in which they now stood. By their engagements with ▾ Mem. de Ribier, ii. 626. Corps Diplom, tom. iv, App. 81. One of Admiral de Coligny's attendants, who wrote to the court of France an account of what happened while they resided at Brussels, takes notice, as an instance of Philip's unpoliteness, that he received the French ambassador in an apartment hung with tapestry, which represented the battle of Pavia, the manner in which Francis I. was taken prisoner, his voyage to Spain, with all the mortifying circumstances of his captivity and imprisonment at Madrid, Mem. de Ribier, ii, 634. BOOK XI. 1556. He atfempts to rekindie the war. France, which were no longer secret, they had highly irritated Philip. They dreaded the violence of his implacable temper. The duke of Alva, a minister fitted, as well by his abilities as by the severity of his nature, for executing all Philip's rigorous schemes, had advanced from Milan to Naples, and began to assemble troops on the frontiers of the ecclesiastical state; while they, if deserted by France, must not only relinquish all the hopes of dominion and sovereignty to which their ambition aspired, but remain exposed to the resentment of the Spanish monarch, without one ally to protect them against an enemy with whom they were so little able to contend. Under these circumstances, Paul had recourse to the arts of negociation and intrigue, of which the papal court knows well how to avail itself in order to ward off any calamity threatened by an enemy superior in power. He affected to approve highly of the truce, as an happy expedient for putting a stop to the effusion of Christian blood. He expressed his warmest wishes that it might prove the forerunner of a definitive peace. He exhorted the rival princes to embrace this favourable opportunity of setting on foot a negociation for that purpose, and offered, as their common father, to be mediator between them. Under this pretext, he appointed Cardinal Rebibo his nuncio to the court of Brussels, and his nephew Cardinal Caraffa to that of Paris. The public instructions given to both were the same; that they should use their utmost endea yours to prevail with the two monarchs to accept of the pope's mediation, that, by means of it, peace might be reestablished, and measures might be taken for assembling a general council. But under this specious appearance of zeal for attaining objects so desirable in themselves, and so becoming his sacred character to pursue, Paul concealed very different intentions. Carafla, besides his public instructions, received a private commission to solicit the French king to renounce the treaty of truce, and to renew his engagements with the holy see; and he was empowered to spare neither entreaties, nor promises, nor bribes, in XI. 1550. order to gain that point. This, both the uncle and the BOOK nephew considered as the real end of the embassy; while the other served to amuse the vulgar, or to deceive the emperor and his son. The cardinal, accordingly, set out May 11. instantly for Paris, and travelled with the greatest expedition, while Rebiba was detained some weeks at Rome; and when it became necessary for him to begin his journey, he received secret orders to protract it as much as possible, that the issue of Caraffa's negociation might be known before he should reach Brussels, and, according to that, proper directions might be given to him with regard to the tone which he should assume, in treating with the emperor and his son a. Jations for Caraffa made his entry into Paris with extraordinary His negopomp; and having presented a consecrated sword to hur Henry, as the protector on whose aid the pope relied in pose. the present exigency, he besought him not to disregard the entreaties of a parent in distress, but to employ that weapon which he gave him in his defence. This he represented not only as a duty of filial piety, but as an act of justice. As the pope, from confidence in the assistance and support which his late treaty with France entitled him to expect, had taken such steps as had irritated the king of Spain, he conjured Henry not to suffer Paul and his family to be crushed under the weight of that resentment which they had drawn on themselves merely by their attachment to France. Together with this argument, addressed to his generosity, he employed another which he hoped would work on his ambition. He affirmed that now was the time, when, with the most certain prospect of success, he might attack Philip's dominions in Italy; that the flower of the veteran Spanish bands had perished in the wars of Hungary, Germany, and the Low Countries; that the emperor had left his son an exhausted treasury, and kingdoms drained of men; that he had no longer to contend with the abilities, the experience, and good fortune of Charles, but with a monarch scarcely * Pallav. lib. xiii, p. 169. Burnet Hist. of Reform. ii, App. 309. |
