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policy of the country, or as to the true construc. expect, that the garrison of a fort should lay tion of the powers to lay and collect taxes, or down their arms and surrender at discretion, in to regulate commerce." I think I have here the expectation of being permitted to resume fairly collected from the address all that is ma-them, and march out with all the horors of war. terial in relation to this point; except that Col. It would be almost as absurd as to summon a

Drayton intimates “that though the majority fortress 10 surrender, with a declaration that if 1.3 ucquiesced in this compromise, it was not so exe. the garrison did not capitulate, we would raise

cuted as to be free tiom objections, and that the siege. I will not say what effect the new "the partisans of nullification” (meaning, 1 bill, passed as it has been in spite of the remon. presume, a majority of the Representatives strances and protests of a majority of the dele. from Georgia and South Carolina, and the other gations of South Carolina and Georgia, and of a southern members who voted against the bill,) large portion of the representatives of the other " did not subscribe to these terms." Now, for southern States, may have on our future pros.

myself and in behalf of my colleagues, with pects; but this I will say, that if these “parti2. whom I acted on that occasion, I can only say. sans of nullification,” as Col. Drayton has been

that we were no parties to any such compact, pleased to call them, had united with him in reI: Fwhether express or implied. I remember to ceiving that bill as a compromise, the door to

have heard rumors in Washington that such an hope would have been eftectually and forever

arrangement had been proposed by some of the closed. , With regard to the idea, that in voting in supporters of Mr. Van Buren, who deemed it for such a measure no sanction was given to the

necessary to quiet the claims of the south, in principle of protection, which it is admitied is order to smooth his way to succession, but 1embraced in it, or to the gross inequality and was not aware of the fact that any compromise injustice of its provisions, but simply a prefer whatever had been proposed or acceded to on ence expressed for it over the tariff of 1828, the subject. The i partisans of nullification" ("as a choice of evils,”. I can only say, that for could not have subscribed to terms, concerning myself, I utterly disclaim the right of a majoriwhich they were not consulted. We were noi ty of Congress to impose upon me an obliga

admitted to the counsels of that majority, who, tion, by my own voie, to inflict upon my con: * ** f it now seems in order to meet the crisis" by stituents one or the other of two measures, both

an immediate remedy, were willing to postpone unconstitutional, oppressive, and unjust. They 18 all efforts for the repeal of the protecting sys. only are the authors of the evil, who commit. 4 * tem to a more convenient season. If I had the sin, and a ruffian might just as well under

consented to enter into a “co-operation" with take to make me a participator in the guilt of (az the friends of protection, and, for the purpose murder, by requiring me to decide whether patient of carrying such a compromise into effect, had bis dagger shall be planted in the bosom of my 5.voted for the new billi and “such a voté bad brother or my son, as for a majority in Conhot been cited to prove that I was inconsistent and gress to require me to choose between two

treacherous to my duty," I might have urged such bills as the tariff of 1828, and the tariff of

(I will not say as a subterfuge'') that "oy 1832. The plaini dictates of morality, as well declining to vote for the act of 1832, I would as of common sense, it seems to me, require us

have virtually contributed to rivet upon my in all such cases, after honestly using our ut. is fellow citizens the greater oppression of 1828, most efforts to accomplish what is right, to

but I should have been "confounded and si leave the responsibility with those who have the Jenced by the reply:" that the South Carolina power to do justice, yet resolve to commit inDelegation, even if they had been unanimous justice. I freely admit that there may be queson the subject, bad no authority whalever to tions of mere expediency in which a sound disbarter away the rights of their constituents; cretion in this resp.ct must be exercised; but in that by becoming parties to an arrangement in questions of principle we have no rigat to which there was no stipulation whatever, that choose the lesser, to avoid the greater evil, or the protecting system was to be eventually aban- in the language of holy writ, * to do evil that doned, or any further reduction of tbe dulies good may come of it.” In the parucular hereafter to be made, we had effectually closed case before us, the difference between retusthe door of hope and delivered our fellow citi- ing to vote for the repeal of the tariff of 1828, zens, bound hand and four, into the power of the by vouing for a bili equally objectionable in manufacturers; for surely no man can be su principle, and actually voting for that luriff, blind as not to see, if the late bill is to be cone would be the same in iny estimation as re nainsidered as "a compromise," that an implied ing borne duwn by an oppression forced upon obligation is imposed, that we shall submit qui- us in spite of our struggles, and “ forging the etly to its provisions, and they must have form chains ourselves by wbich our liberty is aianacd a very different opinion of the spirit by cled.” The difference between finding fourwhich the triff party are governed, from that selves in a state f * colonial vassalage, which I entertain, who suppose, that with a brought upon us toy the injustice of others and distinct understanding on their part that we will entering into a compronise to remain su, until submit to the oppression, there can remain any from a returning sense of justice, our oppres, hope for the south,

sors shall consent to our release. What would To expect any further reduction of duties ou our ancestors have aid of a proposition to efthe protecled articles under such circumstances, tect a partial repeal of the Stamp Act, or to rewould, it seems to me, be as extravagant as tol duce the inx upon tea' to 20 a pound, provided

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of dollars," it will be seen from the very form bills, on the very same articles to be made free of the expressions here used, as well as the under both bills, is reported to be $2,168,039 whole scope and character of the address, that under the former, and $6,607,761 under the minute accuracy as to the amount of reduction, latter. was not aiined at, and under the circumstances I make this statement with no view of casting of the casc, must have been altogether unate any imputations upon the distinguished gena

tainable Our opposition to the new bill de. tleman at the bead of the Treasury Department, * pended in no degree upon the question whe- or impeaching the fidelity of his agents. I

ther the bill was to effect "an inconsiderable state these facts merely for ihe purpose of slow. reduction on the protected articles, or to in- ing why it is, that I am not even now disposed crease the duty by an equal amount a few to rely very implici ly on the accuracy even of hundred thousand dollars, more or less, in ad- the new Treasury statement, which Colonel

Justing á revenue of 25 or 30 millions, being of Drayton assumes as conclusive on all the points 1:* little importance in our estimation." The ge- in dispute. Without going into minute calcu. 19neral character of the bill was manifest on its lations on the subject, I will here take up the aut face-it had clearly aggravated the inequality statements submiited by Col. D. himself, and si et and injustice of the system, by greatly reduc- prove from his own showing, that the former

sing or taking off entirely the duties on the un estimated reduction on the protected articles ks a protected articles, while the duties un the pro. has heretofore been grossly' exaggerated. I Ta tected articles remained substantially the saine. will offer to the public the data which will part The amount of reduction on the latter could not enable every man" to calculate for himself en of course be accurately ascertained. In the Se- whether the burthen of the proteoting system”

nate, it was not claimed to be more than a few has been increased or diminished, and to what hundred thousand dollars ; and when against extent under the bill. this there was to be set off an acknowledged Let it here be burne in mind, that the pub. increase of the duties upon some article, toge-lic have heretofore been made to believe, that ther with the introdution of new and oppres- a reduction had actually been effected "of sive regulations, such as cash duties, dimin. $12,000,000, of which upwards of $3,000,000 ished credits, and change in the pound sterling, were on the protected articles.” It is now it certainly cannot be considered strange that admitted, however, by Col. Drayton, on the the authors of the address should have express-authority of the new Treasury statemen, that ed the belief, (and they did not venture to do here will be a reduction of only $1,869,056 of more,) that taking all these into consideration, the amount of duties on protected articles, and

“the burdens of the protecting system had been in the whole of only $3,187,078, without makiete increased." 'If without the advantage of any ing on the former any deduction for the "cash

new Treasury statement, they have committed duties, diminished credits, or change in the

even greater errors than those which have been pound sterling." Col. D. has, in a note, cal"laid to their charge, it would certainly have culated the amount of these at $759,949, which

been much more easily accounted for than the being deducted from the $1,869,056, leaves a Le mistake lately commitied by the Treasury it reduction on protected articles of $1,109,107; sud self of near one million and a half of dollars, in and if this amount be deducted from the 'ag

the estimated amount of reduction on the sin- gregate reduction," as stated by Col. Drayton, att gle article of cottons-or that committed by Col. it will make the reduction on the unprotected

Drayton himself, to the amount of three mil- articles under the new bill, in round numbers, lions, which we have just pointed out. In mak. about $4,000,000; while it will be seen, that ing estimates of this nature, it is impossible to on the protected articles, it is but a little more obtain any other data for our calculations than than one million. But on looking at the data the official staten.ents of the Treasury ; and assumed by Col. Drayton, as the basis of his these, I am sorry to say, have been so contra- calculation, it will be seen that while, in statdictory, as to furnish but feeble lights to guide ing the aggregate reduction at $5,187,078, be us through the labyrinth of complicated cal- has taken the net revenue, (after deducting culations. At best, these statements have, so drawbacks and expenses of collection,) in arfar, proved but blind guides often contradic.riving at the amount of reduction on the pro-, tory and irreconcileable with each other. Mis tected articles, he has made his calculations on take after mistake has been pointed out, and the gross revenue, (viz. on $15,126,959, instead error after error detected. Five different re- of $12,101,567.) Now, it is very clear that the poris have been submitte i 10 Congress in refc- same data must be assumed in both cases; and rence to the estimated amount of reduction on it being equally clear that drawbacks (being the protected and unprotected articles, underthe the amount of duties restored to the impurter various bills that have been before that body,and on goods that do not enter into the consumpby assuming the nellrevenue as the basis of the tion of the country) constitute no part of the calculation in one case, and the gross revenue public burdens, tie nett revenue is the only in the other; in one case taking the fiscal, and true basis of our calculations. Leaving out another the calender year-jpcluding the draw. " the expenses of collection, and deducting backs in one statement, and excluding them in the assumed amount of the drawbacks on the another---so great a variation has been produc- former and present duties on the protected arin the results, that in one instance the amount ticles, (according to Col. Drayton's estimate of of reduction under Dickerson's and McLane's these duties,) would reduce the amount of the

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WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 17, 1832.

Vol. VI.......... ....BY DUFF GREEN..$2.50 PER ANNUM..

. No. 24*

TO THE PEOPLE.

convinced that the re-election of General The editor has the pleasure to announce to Jackson can be defeated, if all those who be. his numerous readers, that he has returned to lieve that the public interest requires it, can be his post with improved health, and well satis-induced to unite in one common effort to &c. fied that the re-election of General Jackson complish it. Our project of issuing an can and will be defeated, if proper exertions extra Telepraph, devoted to that object, is inbe made by those who are convinced, as he is, tended to counteract the "malign infinence" that every consideration which binds an Ameri- which the extensive circulation of that corrupt can citizen to his country; which should stimu- and profligate journal, the Globe, if uncontralate every lover of liberty to maintain our free dieted, is calculated to have on the public institutions, as established by our ancestors, re- mind. We purpose to commence the immequires it. Entertaining these views, he pro- diale issue of a large edition, say twenty thouposes to publish between this time and the pre. sand copies, under the expectation that this sidential election, an extra Telegraph, to con- prospectus will be copied into other journals, tain thirteen numbers, in which he will endea- and that the committees of correspondence, and vor to demonstrate that Andrew Jackson onght other individuals opposed to the re-election of not to be re-elected President of the Uniiet General Jackson, will immediately interest States; and he invites all those who concur with themselves to obtain subscribers.' FIVE DOLhim in opinion, to unite with him in the per: LARS WILL PAY FOR TEN COPIES OF THIRTEEN formance of this duty; to demonstrate that every NUMBERS EACH. The activity of the disciplinpatriot should rally in defence of the Constitu-fed corps of office holders must be met by tion. The great body of those who voted for equal aativity on the part of the people. Their General Jackson in 1828, voted for him from cry is Jackson, Van Buren, and the “ spoils elevated and patriotic motives. He bas violat-of' victory.". Let yours be “THE CONSTITUed almost every principle upon which his elec- TION AND LIBERTY.” Let every man do his sion was advocated, and almost every pledge duty, and all will be safe. We have entered made by himself and by his friends in his behalf. the lists stimulated by our obligations to the We believe that the great body of the party public--the thrilling eno ion which impels the who voted for him are unchanged. They are lover of public LIBERTI to hazard all in her now, as then, the advocates of the principles defence, and an aniniating confidence that the upon which he came into power; whereas cir.despotism and corruptions which would transcumstances have conspired to place those who fer us as slaves to the service of a desperate were opposed to the election of General Jack pretender will be defeaied. Again we say, let son in such relation to him that they are now leverv freeman do his duty. DUFF GREEN. the advocates of the principles which he was Washington City, Aug. 23d, 1832. elected to maintain but bas deserted. This, Subscription payable in advance. then, is the moment for all those who are opposed to the improper exercise of Executivo GEN. JACKSON, MR. VAN BUREN, AND patronage--tu all interference of the Executive

MR. CALHOUN. in the appointment of his successora-to rally in We give below, a letter from a gentlearn, defence of the great interests which are invulv. the friend of General Jackson, in explanation od in the contest; to defeat those daring and of the proceedings on the letter from Mr. Craw. corrupt politicians who have seized upon ihe ford to Mr. Balcio. The writer has authorised same and popularity of General Jackson, and us to give his name to Mr. Balch, if he calls in who, unless they are met and defeated, will question the truth of his statement, subvert the very foundations of liberty, and convert this Government into the corrupt en

NEAR NASHVILLI, August 5th, 1832. gine of the most odious and profligate d-spo. Dear Sir: In the Telegraph, of the 27ih Jutism. We believe that our duty requires us tolly, in your editorial remarks, under the head of desnonstrate that Gen. Jackson ought not to be The Crawford Party," you quole from Mr. re-elected. It is the duty of the people to select c.'s litter to Balch"Ifl understand your lethis successor, and upon them we cast the respon- ter, you appear to think a public expression of sibility, satisfied that let the choice fill on whom my opinion on the approaching election to be it may, the moment is propitious for the propa- proper. When Mr. Van Buren and Cambre gation of those great and fuodamental princi-iený, made mne a visit in April last, I authorised ples of public liberty to which we are devoted, them, upon all proper occasions, to make those and in the maint, nance of which we consider opinions known. The only difficulty that this the support of mell as, but an incident. State has on the subject is, that if Jackson

During our recent visit to Pennsylvania) should be elected, Calhoun will come into pow and New York, we have become fullyfer. I confess I am not apprebensive of such a

(For the conclusion of the reply of Mr. Hayne to Mr. Drayton, see page 766.)

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